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Fopmer Mayor of Seattle 






Former Mayor of Seattle 


JAN 3 t992 






COPYRIGHT, I9I9, 1920, BY 






Digitized by tine Internet Archive 

in 2007 witii funding from 

IVIicrosoft Corporation 



I dedicate this book to all Americans who love their coun- 
try, revere its ideals, understand and support its institutions, 
and are willing to give their all in order that " our Govern- 
ment shall not perish from the earth." 

I dedicate this book to them, caring not from what hu- 
man breed they sprang, regardless of their length of residence, 
despite any difference in religious creed or political faith, 
only requiring that they place our country, the United 
States of America, First, Now and Forever! 


I UNDERTOOK the writing of this book for the pur- 
pose of placing before the people of my country the 
truth in relation to bolshevism and its American mani- 
festation, I. W. W.'ism; as well as stating in plain 
language just what the concept of Americanism means 
to me. 

I am tired of reading rhetorical, finely spun, hypo- 
critical, far-fetched excuses for bolshevism, commun- 
ism, syndicalism, I. W. W.'ism! Nauseated by the 
sickly sentimentality of those who would conciliate, 
pander, and encourage all who would destroy our Gov- 
ernment, I have tried to learn the truth and tell it in 
United States English of one or two syllables. 

Every statement made, every principle enunciated, 
every record quoted, almost without exception, is 
taken from the records of the syndicalistic and bol- 
shevistic organizations; from the columns of their maga- 
zines and propaganda newspapers; from their text books; 
from the lips of their leaders and from other authorita- 
tive sources, agreed upon and repeatedly quoted by their 

In searching the pages of its brief but eventful his- 
tory I could find no more terrific indictment of bolshe- 
vism and I. W. W.'ism than its own authoritative rec- 
ords, which prove conclusively that bolshevism is the 



autocratic rule of the lowest, least intelligent, least 
able class who believe that by "direct action" and 
"force" they can terrorize our people into turning over 
to them the conduct, ownership, and control of every- 
thing. Strikingly ignorant, malignantly cruel, with no 
concept of history, with but an elementary knowledge 
of social production, with little productive capacity, 
with no constructive ability, this movement in our 
country would be ludicrous were it not for the senti- 
mental, weak-minded followers who, steeped in idealism 
and fanaticism, really believe in a bolshevik Utopia, 
where free milk will run in the water mains and life 
may be supported without toil, where knowledge may 
be gained without effort, and where the established 
truths of the centuries will be overthrown by soviet 

With syndicalism — and its youngest child, bolshe- 
vism — thrive murder, rape, pillage, arson, free love, 
poverty, want, starvation, filth, slavery, autocracy, 
suppression, sorrow and Hell on earth. It is a class 
government of the unable, the unfit, the untrained; 
of the scum, of the dregs, of the cruel, and of the fail- 
ures. Freedom disappears, liberty emigrates, universal 
suffrage is abolished, progress ceases, manhood and 
womanhood are destroyed, decency and fair dealing 
are forgotten, and a militant minority, great only in 
their self-conceit, reincarnate under the Dictatorship 
of the Proletariat a greater tyranny than ever existed un- 
der czar, emperor, or potentate. 

The anarchist was courageous; he risked his life to 
take a life. The nihilist was a wan, despite his crimes 


of violence; but the Bolshevist (the I. W. W.) is a sneak 
and a coward per se, made so by the absorption of a 
propaganda which teaches violence of every descrip- 
tion, advocates sabotage in the darkness, always, 
everywhere, saying: "Do this deed. Terrorize the ma- 
jority y but take care of your own worthless hide /" Mor- 
ally debauching every member by the teachings of 
cowardice and hate, the propagandists have used the 
ignorant and the mattoid and the moron for their foul 

The American bolshevists (I. W. W.) fired wheat 
fields when our army needed wheat, put dead rats and 
mice in canned food, spiked logs in order to destroy 
machinery and fellow workmen, set forest fires, placed 
emery dust in machinery, burned down mills and logging 
camps, killed vineyards, and did every other damnable 
and cowardly thing, always taking care that their own 
life and liberty were safe. 

Their real and avowed purpose is the overthrow of 
all order and government and the making of our coun- 
try an experimental station for the purpose of trying 
out the blind vagaries and nightmares of the intellectual 
pismires and spittoon philosophers who would then be- 
come the autocrats in control of all things. 

In this book I have briefly sketched the history of 
syndicalism in France, Germany, England, Russia, and 
the United States. I believe I have conclusively proven 
that the syndicalist, whether called bolshevist or 
I. W. W., is simply a revolutionary criminal; that each 
and every one teaches the commission of crime, that 
each and every one commits crime in the exact propor- 


tion as his courage and opportunity permit. The 
methods of syndicalism consist of force, direct action, 
sabotage, strike after strike, in order to foment class 
hatred, and then the general strike which if successful 
brings revolution. 

The last part of the book is devoted to a discussion 
and explanation of the cures for bolshevism. In my 
constructive programme I have discussed Americanism 
and Americanization, selective immigration, education 
and educators, private rights, social legislation, deporta- 
tion of aliens, punishment of citizens, and universal 

A government which will not defend itself cannot 
stand. We have had enough of weakness, conciliation, 
and pandering. We must run the United States of 
America primarily for the United States of America. 

America First! 

Ole Hanson. 



I. Why and How I Became Mayor of Seattle 3 

II. Agitation of the Industrial Workers of 

the World Culminates in Shipyard Strike 28 

III. The Labour Situation in Seattle and 

Throughout the Northwest Preceding 
THE Attempted Revolution .... 47 

IV. The New American Revolution Planned 

AND Developed 59 

V. Revolution Started and Stopped in Seattle 84 

VI. Something of the Rise, Trial, and Failure 

OF Bolshevism in Europe 97 

VII. Some of History's Verdicts on Reformers, 

Utopias, Trade Unions, and Bolshevism . 114 

VIII. The Causes of Bolshevism in Russia . . 134 

IX. The Czar and the Duma Come to the Part- 

ing of the Ways 152 

X. How the World War Saved, the Revolution 

Destroyed, and Lenin Reestablished 
Czarism. 169 

*J XI. The Origin and Development of Bolshevism 

IN THE United States 194 

XII. The Gradual Penetration of the American 
"4 Federation of Labour by the Industrial 

Workers of the World 223 

Y XIII. Bolshevism in America; Its Causes AND Some 

Remedies 240 

KlW. Bolshevism Contrasted With Americanism 281 


Americanism versus Bolshevism 



When I came to Seattle in 1902, 1 pitched my tent on 
Beacon Hill, a close-in, non-settled part of the city. 
The first night I arrived I stood on the hill and saw 
the child-city spread out before me. Below me to the 
west were the tide-lands covered with bulrushes, with 
an occasional street on stilts running over them; to the 
north was the city ablaze with light, with small build- 
ings, narrow streets, a station house for a depot, and 
hills and hills covered with forests. Around the fire 
that night I told the curious who had gathered to 
watch the strangers that we had come to Seattle to 
make it our home, to be a part of its growth, and that 
some day I would be its mayor. Of course they 
laughed at the idea of the red-headed stranger with his 
team and covered wagon becoming the mayor of their 
city of 100,000 people. Laughter and ridicule have 
never bothered me, as I have always believed that if 
one wants to do anything bad enough, he can do it, 
and that it is just as easy to fish for whales as for min- 
nows. Man is the only animal who can laugh and 



surely is the only one who ought to be laughed at. 
Anyhow, it is always easy to convert the man who 

We built a home on Beacon Hill and lived there for 
many years, until my family increased so in size that we 
outgrew the house and spread out into two tent- 
houses. Then my wife, woman-like, insisted on secur- 
ing a home with fourteen rooms. She said, in order to 
house the family, but verily, I believe, in order to have 
more work to do. While we now have a larger home, 
every now and then I return to the old spot to relive, 
as it were, one of the happiest periods of my life. And 
how we worked to plan and then build that first home! 
I dug the holes and planted the trees, brought the climb- 
ing rose-bush from Oregon, the birch from California, 
the magnolia from Florida. Really, you know, I like 
the old place best, and some day perhaps, when the 
boys and girls have gone out into the world, if I have 
money enough, I may buy it back and live there again. 
But we wander. 

About Christmas time in 1917 people in Seattle 
began to look around for a mayor. They said they 
wanted a war-mayor and were tired of the old cam- 
paign issues. No one came and asked me to become a 
candidate, but folks generally conceded that if I made 
up my mind to run, I would win. Few ever ask an 
independent free man to seek office! Usually those 
who ask you to run want something an honest man 
cannot grant ! 

I happened, one evening, to go up to look at the ^ 
place and as I stood on the same promontory where I 


unhitched the team seventeen years before, I saw, in- 
stead of dank, stagnant tide-lands and bulrushes, 
hundreds of magnificent buildings; the waterfront was 
ablaze with thousands of Hghts; the furnaces lit up the 
heavens, and the shipyards fringing the bay looked 
like one great vessel with ropes and spars and with 
thousands of little things called men swarming about 
them. Some of the great hills were gone, washed away 
to replace the ooze of the ocean with solid land — and 
where were the forests? Cut down, sawed up, and in 
their places stood thousands of homes. 

Seattle, at that time, had 400,000 people living in 
homes, many of which I had helped to build. For the 
first time in years real-estate and building were active 
and my business was prosperous. I knew that during 
the war one could amass a fortune in Seattle who knew 
the building business as well as I did. But our boy, 
our first born, was suffering from throat trouble. He 
was five feet nine and weighed but 109 pounds. 
He was not well and could not serve. I wanted to help 
and do my share. My parents had come to this coun- 
try from Norway. They came here wanting liberty, 
freedom, and a greater opportunity for themselves and 
their children. They found this country to be good, 
and never tired of telling us, in broken English, what a 
great country this was and how different from any other 
land in the world. They loved the United States and 
so do their children, every one. Both were dead, but 
I knew that could I ask their advice, they would say, 
"^ur country is at war. Others are going to the front, 
but you can serve at home. Do your duty!" lowed 


considerable money (for me), but my creditors were 
secured and I felt they could wait. Wanting to serve 
my country in some capacity, I determined that 
evening to run for mayor and if elected, to abandon 
my private business and stay on the job during the 

I did not know whether I could be elected as the 
political fights in which I had participated had been 
bitter. My support of the direct primary, the eight- 
hour law for women, the eight-hour law for under- 
ground miners, and the workmen's compensation act, 
etc., had made me enemies, and when I forced the 
passage of the anti-racetrack gambling bill, which elimi- 
nated a gang of crooks from our midst, the grafters 
never forgave me. My fight on the red-light district 
during three city campaigns earned for me the opposi- 
tion of that multitude of wretches who owned and 
rented property in the district as well as all the box- 
coated, pink-cufFed hangers on. The business com- 
munity, just awakening to the righteousness of the 
measures for which I had fought, still regarded me as 
somewhat unsafe. The labour forces had never had 
any fault to find with my record, and I felt that the 
"old timers" would be for me while the "Reds" and 
anti-war faction would just as surely be against me. 
My hope of election, apparently, depended on the great 
middle class who had no axes to grind, wanted no special 
privileges, but simply desired a fair, square business ad- 
ministration, lOO per cent, loyal. 

Soon after our country entered the war Carap 
Lewis was established near Tacoma, a city of 100,000, 


thirty-eight miles away. It was here that the soldiers 
were to be received, trained, and prepared for war. 
Upon the establishment of this camp, immediate fric- 
tion arose between army officials and Seattle's city 
officials. Mayor Gill, since dead, was in office. He 
was attacked by the army officials for not ** keeping the 
town clean" and because "sedition and treason were 
not suppressed'*; because the "I. W. W. still continued 
their activities," and because *'no soldier could visit 
Seattle without being handed anti-war literature and 
hearing speeches against the Government." It was 
also openly charged that "Seattle was infested with 
itinerant women who, reeking with disease, were spread- 
ing the same amongst the soldiery." Army officials 
said that "the I. W. W. propaganda was German 
propaganda and that the women were ofttimes Ger- 
man agents, paid with German money to destroy the 
health of the soldiers, and that the whole thing was a 
conspiracy against Uncle Sam and not just a * hap- 
penstance.'" Notice was given to Mayor Gill to re- 
move his chief of police and clean up. Gill told them 

to go to and insisted that the town was clean. It 

was not clean, but so far as morality was concerned, it 
was certainly as clean as Tacoma. The Mayor of Ta- 
coma, however, agreed to cooperate, and as I under- 
stand it Gill did not. 

One morning Seattle awoke to find that a "ban" had 
been placed on the city of Seattle and no soldier or 
officer or any one connected with the army could enter 
our city except on army business. This was by order 
of General Greene in charge of Camp Lewis. It was a 


terrific blow to our civic pride, and every effort was made 
by determined citizens to cause Mr. Gill to change his 
mind, remove his chief of police, and do as the army 
officials dictated. After six weeks of national disgrace 
for our city Mayor Gill did remove the chief and ap- 
pointed in his stead Joel F. Warren, who had been in 
the Government Secret Service. 

At the request of the Government, Mayor Gill then 
instituted a quarantine station for diseased men and 
women under the supervision of Commissioner of 
Health Dr. J. S. McBride. From that time on (and 
we are still continuing it), when men and women 
were arrested for certain misdemeanors, they were 
given a thorough examination, including the Wasser- 
man and Noguchi blood tests, and if found infected, 
were quarantined and kept away from society until all 
trace of the malady had disappeared. 

There was a great deal of dissatisfaction with the 
conduct of affairs at the City Hall, for years every cam- 
paign having been conducted on police issues. We 
really did not elect a mayor to conduct the affairs V a 
great business institution, such as Seattle had become, 
but to become a kind of glorified chief of police. Great 
issues were forgotten every time and petty police dis- 
putes were in everyone's mouth. A ten-cent poker 
game received more headlines than did the municipal 
light and power plant. The trials of alleged grafting 
policemen filled our dailies while city business ran any 
old way. The position of mayor was a trying one. 
With the city just emerging from its frontier past, 
some of the old ways persisted and the new laws were 


often resisted. One crowd or the other, usually both, 
were against the mayor! 

Men fit to guide the destinies of the city either re- 
fused to neglect their private business or were thought 
unable to secure election. The next election was to 
be held March 5, 1918, and, as in the past, it was 
thought necessary to have a chance for success, that 
the candidate must either become subservient to Big 
Business or to the labour group. One or the other, poli- 
ticians said, a candidate must have. One or the other, 
they said, a mayor must serve. I have always held a 
different theory. It has been my belief since a boy 
that a candidate for office, playing fair and square 
with all men, with no special interest to serve, could be 
elected, provided he was believed to be honest and could 
get circulation. I have helped demonstrate to the 
politicians very often in my lifetime that they really 
cannot run nominations or elections if the people are 
appraised of their intentions. 

After reviewing this situation in my mind I went 
home and told my wife of my decision. She never 
favoured my political ventures, but this time she as- 
sented on account of the war. The next day the papers 
carried notice of my candidacy and things started to 
happen. I had no campaign committee — they usually 
talk and seldom work. I wanted no headquarters for 
political loafers. I wanted no paid workers — they are so 
ll often no good. My campaign was to be purely a truth- 

telling one. I would attack no opponent, but would 
tell the people what I would do if elected, not that 
someone else had done wrong. It was a new method 


in Seattle and consisted in telling the people: "If 
elected I will do this." I had never lied to the people 
and felt they would believe me. I engaged a stenog- 
rapher and prepared my own printed matter. 

The chairman of the Republican Central Committee 
announced his candidacy; a former prosecuting attor- 
ney entered the field; the president of the Municipal 
League filed, followed quickly by a young man who had 
held mass meetings denouncing vice and who believed 
himself to be a great man, but who had failed to con- 
vince others. Then came Mayor Gill seeking reelec- 

About that time a delegation from the Central Labour 
Council called on me, tendering me the support of their 
65,000 members, provided I would agree, upon my elec- 
tion, to let Joel F. Warren, chief of police, go. 

I asked: "What's the matter with Warren?" They 
said: "Your record has always been fair; in the legisla- 
ture and on the labour committee you were 100 per cent. ; 
you fought the fight for better conditions, but Joel 
Warren at one time was a police officer during a strike 
over across the mountains. He does not suit us." I 
then asked: "What did he do?" After several evasive 
answers they replied: "He arrested and imprisoned the 
boys when they tried to raise a little hell." I then told 
them that I thought their statement was the best 
recommendation I had heard for Warren; that if he en- 
forced and observed the law, he certainly would remain 
chief if I was elected. They then asked for the dis- 
charge of the fire chief, a man with an excellent record 
as an efficient fire fighter and whose reputation in the 


community was beyond reproach. As with the chief 
of poHce, I told them he would also remain if I was 
elected, provided, always, he did his duty. They left 
with threats on their lips and the next day a man named 
Bradford, who had been corporation counsel for the 
city, was chosen by the Central Labour Council Com- 
mittee as their candidate. He had never done anything 
for labour; he had never accomplished much but quarrel 
for the city, but "Jim" was subservient to their wishes 
and would represent them if he became mayor. 

At the last moment a miUionaire shippmg man filed 
his candidacy. That made eight, but upon reading 
the charter, a local paper found that the last candidate 
was ineligible because of his not having been an Ameri- 
can citizen four years, so he withdrew. He was a very 
good man, able and courageous, and would have secured 
certain business support which I afterward received. 

As soon as the filings closed and the campaign began, 
I issued my card containing my platform. It was brief, 
hence I quote it: 

I stand for construction, not destruction; more factories and 
less lawsuits; a square deal to labour as well as capital; for a loyal, 
united Seattle, a Seatde free from turmoil, treason, and I. W. W. 

Immediately 1 became the foe of the "inner cir- 
cle" at the Labour Temple. Their propaganda fac- 
tory worked to the utmost to convince the new work- 
ers that Hanson was a bad one. Believing that no 
"clique" could control the minds of the thinkers 
in labour, once they knew the truth, I immediately 
published a letter I had received from the past president 


of the State Federation of Labour, thanking me for my 
service to labour in the Legislature and saying: "You 
are lOO per cent, right." 

With no paid campaign workers, I made a strenuous 
campaign through pamphlets and mass meetings. 
Three daihes came out for me and printed the truth, 
but the I. W. W. element worked night and day spread- 
ing their lies. One evening, as the campaign waxed 
hotter and hotter, and the Red element at the Labour 
Temple became more vicious in their attacks on me, I 
went before their weekly meeting. I told them: "1 
have not come before you for your votes or your sup- 
port, but I have come here to tell you the truth about 
yourselves as well as review in brief my history in the 
state of Washington as far as it relates to labour." I 
then quoted from the official record as to my stand on 
the remedial and reform measures which had been agi- 
tated and sometimes enacted into law. In every in- 
stance the official documents and letters from their 
own officials showed conclusively that I had made the 
fight, spent my time and my money furthering the 
progress of labour. They sat in silence; once in a while 
one would applaud. James Duncan, one of the Reds 
and secretary of the Central Labour Council of whom 
I will have more to say later, tried to interrupt sev- 
eral times, fearing the effect of the truth on the up- 
right and fair members of the council, but so interested 
were the auditors that he was promptly squelched. In 
closing I denounced the Reds, the I. W. W.'s and their 
kind, and said: "If elected I will clean you up (meaning 
the Reds) lock, stock, and barrel. You do not belong in 


this country. Your talk of revolution has no place 
where the majority can and does govern. You are 
fighting the best government yet conceived by man. 
I shall close every hall where the overthrow of our Gov- 
ernment by force and violence is taught. You shall 
not parade with the Red Flag; you shall obey the law 
or you shall go to jail. Neither your leaders nor the 
leaders of the Chamber of Commerce shall control the 
city government. It shall be run for the benefit of 
all the people, not a particular class. You are against 
me because I am for the government you are against. 
You know there is nothing wrong with my labour record, 
but my government record is too loyal to suit you. I 
defy you and your kind. You make the most noise, 
but Seattle is loyal and will not stand for your control. 
I shall see the day when some of you that now hiss and 
jeer will do so behind prison walls." Within a year 
two of my hearers, Hulet M. Wells and Sam Sadler, 
were in the Federal Penitentiary and others who were 
present will surely follow when justice is done. 

That meeting at the Labour Temple clinched my 
nomination. Truth is a powerful weapon if one can 
only give it circulation. From that meeting on, the 
rank and file asked the Red leaders questions zvhich 
they could not answer. Within twenty-four hours loyal 
labour men and women called and proffered me their 
secret help. It meant ostracism for them openly to 
defy the men who controlled the Central Labour Coun- 
cil. For fifteen years I have always known how elec- 
tions were going. I have my own method of taking a 
poll, and it has never failed me. This poll showed that 


I would lead in the primary, Bradford (candidate of the 
labour leaders) second, and Mayor Gill third, with the 
*' great young man" last. And so it happened. Under 
our non-partisan election law the top two are nominated 
and then two weeks afterward the election takes place. 

In the primary I received nearly one half of all the 
votes, although there were seven candidates. In the 
finals Mr. Bradford and his supporters endeavoured to 
oflFset the charge that the I. W. W.'s were backing him 
by claiming that his ancestors came over in the May- 
flozver. The Mayflower certainly must have had gutta- 
percha sides. His "ancestral father" claim did him 
little good, for I had a logger friend of mine poll the 
I.W.W. hall and the result was Bradford i8o, Hanson 
none. This result was published and when the votes 
were counted on election day, Bradford was over- 
whelmingly defeated, and to the labour leaders* chagrin 
and surprise I carried dozens of precincts where no one 
but union workers lived ! Union labour people are the 
same as you and I. They are for right just as you 
and I, and when the facts are before the rank and file 
no fairer jury could be desired. 

On the same day I was elected mayor, Anna Louise 
Strong, who had been educated in Germany and was 
a member of the School Board, was recalled from that 
honourable position because of her antagonism to our 
Government, and she was recalled by almost exactly 
the same number of votes that elected me mayor. The 
same forces that supported me voted for her recall. 
The line was plainly drawn and most of the people 
took their stand on our side. The entire campaign 


against my election was because I stood with the 
Government at Washington, and the Reds knew that 
their anti-war activities would be suppressed, come 
what would. 

I took my oath of office on March 5, 1918, and within 
a few days the very men who had fought my election 
tried to use **soft soap" in order to sway me from my 
path. The business community had supported me al- 
most to a man and most of the old resident union men 
had done the same. Within a few days the Chamber 
of Commerce, which I did not trust, offered to help me 
in any way they could. It was my opinion they would 
want something wrong; that they had ulterior motives, 
and the offer was but a bluff. But I am frank to say it 
was not. During my entire term of office the business 
community assisted me in every manner possible and 
never tried to dictate the policy of the administration in a 
single particular. They left me entirely alone, but 
when once embarked upon my course of action, I found 
helpers in every bank, factory, and business house in 
Seattle. The great rank and file of labour has supported 
my every endeavour, while on the other hand the labour 
misleaders came time and again for favours and privi- 
leges ranging from asking the discharge of department 
heads to getting out of jail men who had committed 
crime. I soon learned that overalls did not denote a 
greater degree of honesty than broadcloth. When I 
was in the Legislature, Big Business tried to run things; 
as mayor, I found the I. W. W. demanded control. 
The Red employer and the Red employee are inter- 
changeable anarchists! 


As soon as I came to get the "feel" of my new posi- 
tion I investigated the quarantine of men and women 
and demanded that the council give me better quarters 
to house them. This was consistently refused on one plea 
or another until the date of my leaving office. 

I called a congress of the Northwest to consider the 
"vice" question from a new angle — the sanitary one. 
Doctor McBride, the Commissioner of Public Health, 
redoubled his efforts, and within ninety days after I 
became mayor, we cut the rate of diseased soldiers 
drafted from Seattle from four out of one hundred to 
one out of one hundred. The vice congress spread to 
other states and during the war Washington, Oregon, 
and Idaho, because of the quarantine of the infected, led 
the government list. In other words, fewer of our 
soldiers were found infected upon going to camp than 
those from any other part of the nation. Despite his 
wonderful work Doctor McBride became the target of 
every pacifist, every I. W. W., every pro-German, and 
every vice profiteer in the city. Everyone who was 
against the war was against the quarantine. 

One man, who pulls teeth by day and practises law 
by night, had supported me for mayor, as I thought, 
because he believed I would serve the people. In 
reality, as I afterward learned, he supported me because 
he thought I would serve him and his crowd. He 
haunted my ofiices continually and waged an open fight 
against the quarantine station, and collected $i,ioo, 
under the guise of attorney fees, from five inmates, 
these particular inmates being the ones he was try- 
ing to have me release. One member of the City Coun- 


cil was his able assistant. Doctor McBride and myself 
worked with and under the direction of army physicians 
and to the last had their enthusiastic cooperation. I 
wondered at the opposition of the council member 
until his wife called at my home one evening and told 
me the unprintable story of their lives. Then I under- 
stood his opposition to compulsory treatment and 
quarantine. The reason the quarantine was fought 
was because the men who fought it were either against 
our securing a healthy army^ jit to fight, or were engaged 
in making profit from the unfortunates. 

As a mayor one learns too much of the vileness of men. 
I had never before really sensed what men would do 
for money. While the council refused a better place to 
house the prisoners, despite repeated requests, members 
of the council attacked us because the place was not 
sanitary. Hypocrisy could go no further! 

Some day the Government will district the United 
States and meet this scourge by quarantining, treat- 
ing, and curing all infected persons. Our experi- 
ence proves that a few years of such procedure will 
practically wipe out these dread diseases. In the be- 
ginning of the quarantine more than eighty per cent. 
of the women and men arrested and examined were 
found to be infected. In six months' time less than forty 
per cent, were found infected, and in twelve months, less 
than ten per cent. 

We treated many hundreds, but the greatest benefit 
came from the publicity which caused unarrested folk 
to secure treatment at once. The afflicted hurried to 
their physicians and took private treatment. I sent a 


questionnaire to some three hundred who were at one 
time in quarantine and there were no skilled or trained 
workers among them and only one that even claimed 
to have attended a high school. They were an ignorant, 
dirty, incompetent, uneducated crowd, whose mentality 
was on the average not as high as children of fourteen. 
They were mostly un-moral, not immoral. They were 
so ignorant, few realized what they were doing to the 
soldier boys; few indeed sensed the gravity of their con- 
dition at all, and almost invariably had no moral sense 
whatever. The war did one thing for the American peo- 
ple — it opened their eyes to this menace. Some day the 
Government will, as I have said, by a continuous, forceful 
campaign, clean it up. 

The I. W. W. halls were still open, their propaganda 
was still being distributed, and many wondered why I 
had not closed them at once. I knew why. We waited 
until May 2nd, nearly six weeks after my election, for 
two reasons. One was to secure the names and ad- 
dresses of all who were members of the I. W. W., and 
the other was to ascertain where they secreted their 
literature. The day after the European Labour Day, 
May I St, we struck, and closed every I. W. W. hall in 
Seattle and kept them closed. We confiscated their 
literature, burned up what we did not turn over to the 
Government, and stopped every street meeting. Hall 
meetings were closed to everyone who preached over- 
throw of our Government by force and violence and we 
received the united support of the vast majority of the 
citizens of Seattle. 

In the summer of 191 8 the election of officers of the 


Central Labour Council took place. Robert L. Proctor 
and Hulet M. Wells, of whom the latter had been at one 
time socialist candidate for mayor and had already been 
convicted in the Federal Court for violating the Espion- 
age Act, were opposing candidates. It was only after 
days and nights of hard work that Proctor finally was 
elected by a scant majority of 25 votes over Hulet M. 
Wells! Think of it! — a central labour council in an 
American city were able to marshal only 25 more votes 
for a loyal, able union man than for a man who openly 
proclaimed himself a bolshevist and who was even then 
under sentence. 

For a time all was lovely with the leaders of the 
Central Labour Council. Fear of an outraged people 
kept them semi-silent. The rank of the union men 
came to see that I was fair and square, and upon the 
purchase of the street car lines by the city, the largest 
local union in the world, having 18,000 members, voted 
me an honorary membership and presented me with a 
silver membership card. 

The committee that called upon me to present the 
card came to the mayor's office and my secretary took 
down what was said. Their spokesman said: "We 
present you this card as a token of our appreciation 
of your services during your life to labour; you have 
always stood firm and true for th^ man who toils. 
Last spring many of us supported your opponent; we 
feel we were mistaken and want to assure you that every 
act of yours has been satisfactory to us." I replied: 
"You are presenting me with honorary membership 
in your union. You say you do this because of my 


services to the cause of labour. I accept this card in 
the same spirit as I hope it is given, but feel that you 
are giving me this card because you happen to agree 
with what I have done and that the time may come 
when I will do something just as right but with which 
you will not agree. When that time comes, this card 
is ready and waiting for you, as I refuse, as mayor of 
Seattle, to serve any particular class in the community. 
I shall represent them all." 

This occurred in September, 1918. On August 30, 
1919, they had not called for the card. I then returned 
it to them with a letter which denounced their leaders; 
stated they (the leaders) had "entered into a coalition 
with the I. W. W.'s and planned for the overthrow of the 
Government at the time of the general strike; had 
planned to turn over the city government to a soviet 
approved by A. E. Miller, James Duncan, Anna Louise 
Strong, recalled school director; George F. Vandeveer, 
I. W. W. attorney; Wm. D. Haywood, national secre- 
tary of the I. W. W.; Leon Green, Russian anarchist, 
and Sam Sadler and Hulet M. Wells convicted sedi- 
tionists." I expressed the hope "that the rank and 
file will, in the near future, remove from the positions 
of power the officers and leaders who so grossly misled 
and deceived the workers and by so doing proved 
themselves not only false to this country and my flag 
(not their flag), but also false to the true principles of 
labour unionism. Until that time arrives I cannot, 
as an American citizen who loves his country, retain 
even a card presented by an organization ruled by such 
men. The cause of labour has ever had and always 


will have my support, but no organization can super' 
sede my loyalty to the United States." , 

One of my first acts as mayor was to cause a survey 
to be made of the cost of living and when the difference 
in cost over the pre-war period was ascertained, I 
recommended and succeeded in securing an increase of 
the city workers' minimum wage from $3.50 to ^4.0x5 
per day. Some months later we made another survey 
and increased common labour to ^4.50 per day. Just 
before I left the mayor's office I recommended to the 
budget committee a raise of I2| per cent,, which was the 
exact increase in living costs from July i, 191 8, to July 
I, 1919, in Seattle. The committee agreed to make the 
increase when the budget was passed. Skilled crafts- 
men were, of course, increased in proportion. It was 
impossible for the city government of Seattle to regu- 
late the cost of living; all we could do was to keep track 
of the increased cost and see that the city's employees 
received a sufficient wage to live in decency and comfort. 
The dollar measure is so full of rubber that without 
taking into consideration what the dollar will buy, 
no fair wage can be established! Besides, a well-paid 
worker is not susceptible to the rainbow-hued prom- 
ises of the bolshevists. I consider it not only good 
morals, but good business to give men what they 
are entitled to, without waiting for them to make a 
fight for it. If men secure increased remuneration 
for their services, after they have struck, or threat- 
ened to strike, they believe, and usually rightly so, 
that they force the employer to be fair. If the wage 
is increased without any such action, it proves to the 


worker that the employer thinks of somebody besides 

During the war a great need of men occurred in the 
shipyards, and in order to set a good example and assist 
the Government, I went to work in the yards after 
putting in most of the day in the mayor's office. While 
there I did a full day's work without any camouflage. 
It was hard work and the scant ^4.00 a day was not 
enough money for the work and not enough for the 
labourer to live in decency and comfort. While in the 
shipyards I became acquainted with many good men 
and some bad ones. You did not have to ask a man 
whether he was a Red or not. The manner in which 
he worked showed that. If he was against the Gov- 
ernment, he did as little as possible in as long a time as 
possible, and in as poor a manner as possible. If he 
was loyal and right, he did a fair day's work, looked the 
boss in the eye, and did not "soldier." In the main, 
however, the boys worked hard, but under the hulls 
the minority were continually agitating "taking over 
industry," "running things ourselves," and "joining 
the one big union." 

The speakers sent out by the Government to the ship- 
yards did a valuable work, no doubt, but it always 
seemed to me that they spread it on pretty thick. One 
would think, to listen to some of the spell-binders, that 
the shipyard workers were working for $30.00 per 
month, like the soldiers, and had all enlisted to serve the 
Government during the war for patriotic reasons. This 
was true of some but by no means true of all. Men 
went to work in the shipyards for different reasons — 


some to earn a living, some to assist Uncle Sam, others 
to escape the draft, and a considerable number simply 
to agitate against the Government and bring about 
chaos in our country. There is no use lying about 
these things. There were many bad men, many Revo- 
lutionists, and many slackers in the Government works 
everjrwhere, and there were many aliens and I. W.W.'s 
who spent a goodly share of their time talking and agi- 
tating against the Government they were receiving 
their bread and butter from. As a matter of fact, 
there were several thousand I. W.W.'s who had formerly 
operated in Butte, Montana, who came to work in the 
yards, feeling that they were secure from arrest in the 
larger and more cosmopolitan city of Seattle. A great 
many more came here from Arizona, Idaho, and Cali- 
fornia. Everyone knew that Seattle was the home nest 
— the headquarters — the central station — for their 
organization in the United States. 

During the war a great many kept under cover 
through fear of prosecution and the draft law, but when 
the armistice was signed, anti-government activities 
increased overnight. A carefully planned propaganda 
of discontent was spread among the workers, especially 
in the shipyards. The increased cost of living, the 
fact that many of the men were away from their families, 
and living in over-crowded quarters, aided the agitators. 
It was a strange sight to see men from Russia, the land 
of tyranny and poverty, preaching against the Govern- 
ment of the land where they had sought refuge. The 
doctrine of syndicalism was especially effective with 
the young men in the yards. American-bom youths. 


with loyal fathers, accepted, believed, and assisted the 

The Government and the workers throughout the 
Union had agreed on a peaceful adjustment of all dif- 
ferences worked out by the Macy Board, and this 
governmental body now became the target for attack. 
In November, 191 8, the officers of the unions asked 
that the workers vote for a strike unless the Macy 
Board agreed to their demands when they journeyed 
east. The men in Seattle understood that this was to 
be but a bluff" to force the Macy Board to grant them 
higher wages, despite a definite and certain agreement 
which was in eff'ect at that time. No other vote than 
this vote, which was to arm the officers with a bluff", was 
ever taken before the shipyard strike was called three 
months later. 

I felt that some of the workers in the yards were 
not receiving sufficient wages. This was undoubtedly 
true of the common labourers — but it was not the 
wages or conditions that caused the leaders to agitate 
the strike. It was because of a desire on their part 
to foment hatred, suspicion, and discontent to such a 
degree that the workers would first make impossible 
demands; then call a general strike, establish a soviet, 
and start the flame of revolution in this country, with 
the hope and plan of the ultimate destruction of the 
Government and the establishment in its stead of bol- 
shevism, pure and undefiled, with its consequent red 
terror and tyranny. But few of the shipyard workers 
knew of this conspiracy. They were simply taught 
to hate their employer; to hate the Macy Board; to defy 


the Macy award, and to refuse to work for the Macy 

The employer in this case was practically the Gov- 
ernment, as all contracts were governmental contracts 
and the wages were fixed by a governmental body. 
Everjnvhere — on the street cars, at work, at home — the 
agitators told of the fabulous receipts of the shipyard 
owners, nothing being said of the great overhead, or of 
the men in the yards who did no more than half a 
day's work for a full day's pay. Nothing was said 
either of the great war taxes imposed by the Govern- 
ment. The shipyard owners had no interest in holding 
down the pay of the men. Under their contract with 
the Government, any increase in the cost of labour 
meant a consequent increase in the prices paid them by 
the Government for their ships. Without the Govern- 
ment's sanction, no raise in wages could be made. Agi- 
tators everywhere talked of taking over industries and 
"firing" the bosses, but condemnation of governmental 
action was their main theme. 

This state of unrest, of hatred, of lies and suspicion 
was fanned every day by a newspaper called the Seattle 
Union Record. This paper had formerly been a weekly, 
but upon the influx of the workers and the consequent 
increase in the labour unions it was transformed into a 
daily. It is not a union paper, but a sheet which some- 
times by clever insinuation, and sometimes openly, 
preaches internationalism, hatred of government, and 

Its editor, A. B. Ault, at one time worked for a living, 
but now heads one of the most radical newspapers in 


the country, one which will probably be suppressed by 
the Government. 

There is no backache in his job, or headache either. 
Backache comes from toil — headache, from thought! 
He refuses to toil and has not the tools with which to 
think. He was chosen editor of the paper because of 
his well-known revolutionary tendencies and because 
strong-minded men knew that he would obey them 
without question. The office force of the Record is as 
Red as their headlines. The Record's leading editorial 
and special writer was and is Anna Louise Strong, re- 
called by the outraged citizens of Seattle from the 
position she so dishonoured on the School Board the 
same day I was elected mayor. 

At one time I visited the office of the Record and found 
it in an uproar of joy. Theodore Roosevelt was dead ! 
It was January 6, 1919, my birthday. I asked: "Why 
the jubilation?" And Ault shouted, "Roosevelt is 
dead, he stood in our way." That night the paper 
carried an editorial on Roosevelt's death from which I 
quote a part: 


Theodore Roosevelt is dead . . . Hisoutlook was never very 
subtle or penetrating. . . . Roosevelt lived to see the pro- 
gressive movement, which he once championed, moved so far past 
him that he was driven to closer and closer arraignment with the 
most reactionary forces in this nation. His conception of society's 
friendship, never very fundamental, was clouded more and more by 
his own egotism, played upon by those big interests which know 
so well what motives to stress in order to gain their end. 

We must admit the fact that his death at the present moment 


removes one of the greatest obstacles to permanent peace through- 
out the world. . . . But they will hardly find quickly another 
mouth-piece who could so convincingly mislead the people of this 
country. . . . 

From that day to this I have never visited the office 
of the Record. The unclean atmosphere of treason 
stifles me, and besides, when Ault made his statement in 
relation to the death of one of the greatest men of his 
time — a real American — I said things which were true 
and forceful, but which precludes my seeing Ault again 
unless perchance I could gaze on him in stripes. 

In order to show the spirit and hypnosis of the Record 
staff, I will relate another incident which occurred when 
I met a lady reporter who worked for the paper. She 
said: "Mr. Mayor, we have sure got the goods on John 
Miller." (Miller is our Congressman.) I said: "What 
has John done now?" She said: "He just denounced 
the Red Flag." I said: "That ought to boost him." 
She replied by saying: "Not with our readers." The 
Reds really believed they were in a majority and that 
Mr. Miller had destroyed his political future. Welling- 
ton once said: "I mistrust the judgment of every man 
in a case in which his own wishes are concerned." The 
death of Roosevelt gave great courage to the foes of 
our Government. His moral influence and his fearless 
stand against wrong were a greater influence than most 
of us can realize. 



About the time of Col. Roosevelt's death and my 
visit to the Record office the I. W. W.'s became even 
more threatening in their attitude toward the city au- 
thorities. One evening E. I. Chamberlain, a general 
secretary of the I. W. W., called me on the 'phone and 
demanded the release of all prisoners in the city jail who 
belonged to his order, and also a permit to open the 
I. W. W. halls. Of course I told him "No." He then 
said: "Do you want your jail overcrowded with I. W. 
W.'s?" My reply to his question was that our jail 
was a little overcrowded, but we would always find suf- 
ficient quarters to house "all law breakers." As a 
parting shot he said: "Well, the battle is on; we'll show 

Apparently, orders went out to increase I. W. W. 
activities. The police next raided an office in the 
Pacific Block, and a great quantity of new literature 
aimed at the Government was confiscated and de- 
stroyed. I felt that trouble could not long be averted 
and that it was necessary to have a larger police force, 
but the Public Safety Committee of the council on 
January 8, 191 8, had refused the request of the chief of 



police, endorsed by myself, for more police. Councilman 
Erickson leading the opposition. 

A great throng of women from all parts of the city 
then went before the committee and told them of out- 
rages being perpetrated in the suburbs, but it was of no 
avail — the committee again turned the request down. 
After the committee had been attacked and ridiculed 
in the public press, however, the council itself granted 
a small increase. But there were other ways to get 
police without securing the votes of such men as Erick- 
son. When the time of necessity came, I appointed 
emergency police, many of them, and an appropriation 
was made for their payment by the votes of all the 
council, including Erickson. 

With additional recruits pouring into the shipyards 
daily, the activities of the I. W. W.'s on the outside 
were redoubled, if such a thing were possible. In the 
early part of January, 1919, five leading members of 
the I. W. W. met in secrecy in Room 310, Collins 
Building — the headquarters of the Metal Trades Coun- 
cil — and after carefully studying the procedure used in 
Russia, formed among themselves a soviet, which was 
to be called the "Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's 
Council." Several revolutionary speeches were made 
and it so happened that every word was overheard, 
except the words of one man who was clever enough to 
hold his hand over his mouth as he spoke, so that his 
words were but an indistinct mumble. 

Thus a soviet came into existence by secrecy and 
stealth with only five members present. It was decided 
to call a great mass meeting on the corner of Fourth 


Avenue and Virginia Street. The meeting was to be 
called "on behalf of Russia," as a camouflage, then 
was to be turned into an organization meeting of the 
"Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council." A great 
parade was to be formed which, following the Red Flag, 
would march to the city jail and release the prisoners. 
An advertisement appeared in the Union Record, giving 
notice of the meeting. Circulars were distributed all 
over the city, stating that Hulet M. Wells, already 
convicted of sedition and out on bail, would be one of 

the speakers and Mr. , of Canada, would be the 

other. On some of the circulars it was stated that 
"The meeting is to be held under the auspices of the 
Metal Trades, Central Labour Council and Hope Lodge 
No. 79, Machinists." 

Knowing what the soviet plans were, I was surprised 
at the signature to the circular, and in company with 
Councilman Robert B. Hesketh, a union labour loyalist, 
I went to the Central Labour Council, and there 
the business agent of the council informed me that 
the Central Labour Council knew nothing of the meet- 
ing. We then called on A. L. Miller, one of the heads 
of the Metal Trades Council (since suspended by his 
International Union), and he said he knew nothing 
of the meeting. I made proper police arrangements, 
instructing the officers not to interfere with the meeting, 
but to allow things to come to a head. The police 
authorities marshalled their men in the assembly room 
and waited. Word had reached the conspirators that 
we were prepared, and the mysterious speaker from Can- 
ada did not appear. Hulet M. Wells could not be 


present because of tonsilitis ! S. W. Brooks, under or- 
der of deportation by the Federal authorities, was chair- 
man of the meeting. Brooks then called for "fellow 
workers" to volunteer and distribute propaganda liter- 
ature, appealing to the soldiers and sailors to join the 
ranks of those who would "put down industrial autoc- 
racy at home." As stated by the Seattle Post-Intelli- 
gencer on January 13, 1919, Walker C. Smith, author of 
"Sabotage," and an I. W. W. leader, followed, demand- 
ing "release of all political prisoners" and calling the 
naval intelligence staff "a bunch of scab herders." 
In speaking of the necessity of changing the Govern- 
ment, he said : " If our Government cannot be changed 
without bloodshed, let bloodshed come," and concluded 
with the words: "Hail to the bolsheviki, hail to the 
Revolution." A. V. Brown, the next speaker, said to 
the men in the shipyards: "You men are going to be 
discharged. But when the time comes, refuse to quit. 
Stay on the job. Tell them if there is not enough work 
for all, the working day must be shortened to six hours." 
Thousands of circulars were passed out at the meeting, 
calling on the soldiers and sailors to join their ranks. 

After the speakers had concluded, several "soap- 
boxers" and ahen speakers moved out into the street and 
in a few minutes several meetings were in progress and 
obstructing traffic. This was forbidden by city or- 
dinance and the police immediately asked that the meet- 
ings be held on an adjoining lot so as not to obstruct the 

Just then a loaded lumber wagon came along with a 
red flag swinging from the rear end — and this on Sun- 


day, the day of rest! I now quote from the Seattle 
Daily Times , January 13th: 

Someone raised the cry: "There she is! There's the only flag!" 
In a flash the cry was taken up. The wagon momentarily stopped 
while almost all took off their hats to the emblem of Bolshevism 
and someone started the chorus of "The Red Flag," an I. W. W. 
battle cry. . . . Mutterings grew to loud cries and a violent 
attitude of the surging crowd. 

Spying a man — since declared by the police to be Walker Smith, 
a noted I. W. W. agitator — gathering a crowd about him. . . 
Captain Searing, who was directing the splitting up of the throng, 
broke away from the other ofiicers and dashed through the mob 
toward the man, said to be Smith. 

"I wanted to nip in the bud any further demonstration and stop 
the parade he was endeavouring to form before it could get under 
way and make such a mob that we would have difficulty in handling 
it," said Captain Searing afterward in explaining his action. "I 
wanted to get them before they had a chance to get us," he added. 

The police captain had not quite reached his objective when the 
persons surrounding the would-be parade marshal attacked Searing. 
The latter declared later he couldn't pick out a single person who 
had attacked him, save one woman who was trying to strike him 
with her fists and an umbrella. . . . Captain Searing early 
became the centre of the fighting, but was saved from serious in- 
jury by the arrival of squad after squad of police. . . . Patrol- 
man Bert Houck pursued a man through the crowd who was ad- 
vancing on Captain Searing with a large pocket-knife. 

Several of the radicals were arrested "while pro- 
claiming . . . their disrespect for the American 
flag and this Government. One of them, W. I. Fisher, 
was shouting 'Down with Democracy' it is alleged, 
when Sergeant Ballinger of the military police gathered 
him in." 

As the mob was broken up they cast slurs at several 
men in the army and navy and marine service with 


whom they came in contact. Continuing, the Times 

In these melees Sergeant Moore, in charge of the Fort Lawton 
provost guard, was struck in the mouth after he had arrested a man 
who had been discharged from the army on December 19th last. 
This prisoner, it was alleged, had taken off his hat to the red flag 
on the lumber wagon and was loudly declaring his "wobblyism" 
(I. W. W.'ism) and lack of respect for the Stars and Stripes. 

Parading without a permit had always been forbidden, 
and as PoHce Captain Searing ran into the centre of the 
street and ordered the paraders to break ranks, his an- 
swer was a blow in the face which broke his nose and 
knocked him to the pavement. Immediately a dozen 
Reds joined in the assault, but he finally succeeded in re- 
gaining his feet and with the aid of his men fought clear 
of the crowd. When the provost guard or police arrested 
one of their assailants, others fought to release him. 

In commenting upon the attack made upon Sergeant 
Morris of the Marines, the Times added : 

The most exciting incident next to the attack on Captain Searing 
was the assault on Sergeant Morris of the U. S. Marines. He was 
struck in the mouth by a man who later gave his name as Leo 
Polishuk, a Russian labourer, twenty years old. The marine cap- 
tured his assailant at Fourth Avenue and Pike Street and was taking 
him toward an alley "to give him a trial and punish him on the 
spot" when the city police hurried up and through the crowd, which 
was threatening to take Morris's prisoner from him. 

Among those who tried to rescue Polishuk from the marine was 
Leo Udcovisky, forty-five years old, a Russian. Sergeant (Jack) 
Sullivan (Seattle soldier and loyalist), who was going to the marine's 
assistance, grabbed Udcovisky and turned him around. The Rus- 
sian kicked him, and while the soldier was recovering from this blow 
his assailant, it is alleged, tried to strike him with an iron bar. 


As the Russian started away from the scene, hurrying down the 
alley toward Union Street, Sullivan painfully followed, never Josing 
sight of him. In front of the Post Office Building he caught up 
to him and made him prisoner. 

It was a free-for-all fight before it was over, but 
when things commenced to be fairly equal, the cowardly 
Reds "hunted their holes," as they always do and al- 
ways will do. There is no courage in them! Their 
teachings have taken all sacrifice and ability to battle 
out of them ! They never won a single fight with the 
police while I was mayor. Given 200 Seattle blue coats 
and 1,000 Reds — the Reds run! 

A total of thirteen men were arrested and when one 
was asked what his nationality was he said: "I am an 
American, and ashamed of it." Thus ended, in the 
Reds' defeat, the first open battle between the forces of 
law and order and the I. W. W. in Seattle. 

The well-laid plans of the "Soldiers, Sailors, and 
Workmen's Council" could not be carried out on ac- 
count of the help given the police by the loyal citizens 
and returned soldiers. In the entire crowd of Reds, 
there was but one returned soldier. 

The Union Record the next day, in flaring headlines, 
denounced the police for enforcing the law. It also 
published an editorial, calling the police "Prussians," 
and abused the chief. 

The next day, January thirteenth, I made the follow- 
ing statement : 

Order will be maintained. Laws will be enforced. Riot and 
disorder will be suppressed. 


The men arrested were found guilty and police sen- 
tences imposed. 

On the following Wednesday I went to the meeting 
held in the Central Labour Council in order to secure 
statements of any specific usurpation or abuse of au- 
thority on the part of the police. When I arrived, 
there was, as usual, but a small attendance of Central 
Labour Council members, the vacant seats being filled 
by I. W. W.'s who were not members. These men 
voted, however, on motion after motion, as did the Reds 
who filled the gallery. The speakers simply denounced 
the police and all in authority, but did not present for 
consideration a single, specific instance where a po- 
liceman or provost guard had not observed, as well as 
enforced, the plain law. 

When my name was mentioned, a man sitting among 
a crowd of I. W.W.*s and bearded Russians (all, by the 
way, wearing red neckties), shouted, "Let's hang Han- 
son." I was unable to reach him before he disappeared 
in the crowd. Upon leaving the hall, several I. W. W.'s 
blocked my path and started an argument. Although 
alone I was fully prepared to protect myself, but the 
argument did not last long. A stranger seemed par- 
ticularly anxious to get to close quarters with those 
who obstructed my path. The next day a report 
laid on my desk explained that the argument was 
started in order to "beat me up," while the solici- 
tous stranger was none other than a Secret Service 

While present at the meeting, I demanded that the 
Central Labour Council either repudiate their name 


appearing on the circulars advertising the previous 
Sunday meeting, or explain how it came to be there. 
An ofl&cer of the Machinists' Union said that the 
meeting was arranged by them but that the speakers 
had been changed after the printing of the circular, 
and added that Anna Louise Strong had told him it 
would be all right to announce that the Central Labour 
Council was back of the meeting. The President of 
the council, Robert L. Proctor, denounced the use of 
the central body's name. At the same meeting, how- 
ever, the same Central Labour Council endorsed a call 
for a mass meeting to be held the following Sunday 
afternoon, for the purpose of organizing a "Soldiers, 
Sailors, and Workmen's Council, or soviet ! " When the 
thirteen men arrested for the Sunday riot were placed 
on trial, W. N. Stumpf, the man charged with assaulting 
Captain Searing, said: "Don't bother about a lawyer 
for me; the Defense Committee of the I. W. W. will 
furnish me an attorney." 

We have seen how the organization of a soviet was 
planned in Seattle. It is well to call to the reader's 
mind that the radicals at the National Labour Congress 
in Chicago, on January sixteenth, demanded the or- 
ganization of American Soviets. This was the congress 
called to consider a programme for liberating Thos. J. 
Mooney and Warren K. Billings, then serving life 
terms for murder in connection with bomb outrages 
committed in connection with a preparedness parade in 
San Francisco. 

As stated by the Post-Intelligencer of January 17, 


The climax at the Chicago convention was reached when a motion 
picture was shown of the Mooney case, one film showing American 
soldiers carrying an American flag in the San Francisco prepared- 
ness parade, and there were hisses from many of the radicals when 
this was flashed on the screen. 

A telegram was then read from Eugene V. Debs, ad- 
dressed to E. B. Ault, who was in attendance at the 
meeting, which said in part: 

The hour has struck for action. Long-winded resolutions and 
humble petitions to corporation tools in public office . . . are 
worse than useless. The convention can do no less than demand his 
(Mooney's) unconditional release and issue an ultimatum to that 
effect, giving due notice if that fails, a general strike will follow at a 
specified time and industry be paralyzed throughout the land. 

One delegate shouted : "We'll make this country a 
desert like Arizona." 

A message was also read from five members of the 
executive board of the I. W. W., pledging that organiza- 
tion to support a general strike. 

Of course, Gompers and the American Federation of 
Labour were bitterly attacked. A telegram of greeting 
was also received from the Seattle "Soldiers, Sailors, 
and Workmen's Council," although it had had as yet 
no open meeting in Seattle, and its members consisted 
of the five ringleaders only! 

On the same night, January sixteenth, a meeting of 
5,000 I. W. W.'s was held at their favourite spot, 
Fourth Avenue and Virginia Street. A resolution was 
adopted, condemning all law-enforcing officials. 

The Post-Intelligencer of the seventeenth had the 
following to say of this meeting: 


Following the chairman, F. Clifford spoke. He told his hearers 
that the workers ought to take over, own, and run the machines of 
industry. He urged cooperation of the workers at the next elec- 
tion, told them to stick together at the polls, and if they then could 
not "get it by the ballot route, get it by the bulUt route." 

I was present during the entire meeting. As it 
broke up, 50x3 men took the lead and the crowd of 5,cxx> 
followed, starting toward the jail, half a mile away. 

In speaking of the parade after the meeting, the 
Post-Intelligencer said : 

Shouting defiance at the police, the leaders reached Jefferson 
Street and Third Avenue. (One block from police headquarters.) 
A few of them turned down Jefferson Street toward the waterfront. 
The others, however, kept on Yesler Way in the direction of the 
police station. 

"Come on to the police station," urged the leaders. The others 
wavered, then obeyed. 

At that instant those in the van saw a column of fourteen mounted 
policemen moving down the Yesler Way hill from the police station 
to meet them. Behind came four automobile trucks containing 
sixty policemen armed with carbines, followed by five squads of 
patrolmen on foot armed with night sticks. . . . 

For a space of several minutes the I. W. W. element followed 
their leaders in the " battle hymn " of the organization. The second 
stanza was barely started when the five squads of mounted police- 
men came down the street and sidewalks on both sides in a solid 
body. The crowd of singers was swept before them. . . . 
Within five minutes after the police had started work, Yesler Way 
between Second and Third avenues was as bare of loitering crowds 
as on a Sunday at midnight. 

On the same day, January sixteenth, that the Mooney 
Congress in Chicago was hissing the American flag, advo- 
cating a general strike and passing I. W. W. resolutions — 
with many of its members from the state of Wash- 


ington, including "Jimmy" Duncan, and our good 
friend, E. B. Ault, who acted as secretary of the con- 
vention — members of the Central Labour Council in 
Seattle were encouraging, abetting, and protecting the 
Reds who met and marched down the street to take 
the city jail. 

And on that same night an order was issued by the 
Metal Trades Council in Seattle, ordering a strike of 
25,000 workmen employed in the shipyards, building 
government ships in Seattle alone, and requests were 
sent to the shipyard workers of the entire Pacific coast 
to take like action. Nothing could prove more con- 
clusively that there was a widespread conspiracy 
throughout the Union for a concerted effort to estab- 
lish bolshevism. 

The men in the main did not understand what the 
leaders were doing. They were not permitted to vote 
as to whether they would strike or not. I talked with 
dozens of workmen from the yards, as did many of my 
friends, and outside of the leading agitators, none of 
them wanted to go on strike. But when ordered to go 
on strike^ these men obeyed^ so thoroughly had they 
had it drilled into them the iniquity and perfidy of a 
man who would "scab." 

In speaking of the manner in which the shipyard 
strike was called, the Times of January 17th said: 

Disregarding appeals from some delegates that the workers them- 
selves be given opportunity to express their views on the final ques- 
tion by a referendum ballot, fifty-seven delegates representing the 
Seattle Metal Trades Council last night voted to call a strike of the 
25,500 members of the twenty-one affiliated unions next Tuesday 


morning at lo o'clock, provided the owners of shipyard and con- 
tract shops concerned do not in the meantime sign the council's 
blanket wage agreement. 

On the same day, the Seattle Union Record printed a 
statement under great headlines: Shipyard Workers 
TO Strike Tuesday, and another dispatch on the 
same page to the effect that the Tacoma Metal 
Trades Council had taken the same action. In the 
same issue a story was printed ridiculing Gompers's 
statement that "Bolshevism is a menace," and followed 
by a reproduction of the constitution of the Russian 
Soviet Republic, copied from the Nation of New York 
City. Preceding the constitution itself the Record 

The Nation, New York City, of January fourth, has done a distinct 
service in printing in full the constitution of the Russian Socialist 
Federated Soviet Republic in its latest form as adopted July lo, 

Editorially the Record comments on the publication of 
the constitution as follows: 

So much misinformation has been spread about Bolshevism and 
the Russian Soviet Republic, that the Union Record takes pleasure 
in commending to its readers' notice the article printed in the last 
two '--olumns of this page. It is worth careful reading by any one 
who is sincerely trying to understand what is going on in Russia. 

Of course the Record demanded, as usual, the dis- 
charge of Chief of Police Warren, as a direct menace to 
the peace of the community and the recall of myself as 
mayor. In glaring headlines they also printed the 


resolution passed at the Mooney Congress, which 
demanded the destruction of the American Federation 
of Labour and the recall of Samuel Gompers as presi- 
dent of the Federation, with Mooney endorsed as a 
candidate for the position. Perhaps they were follow- 
ing a plan; perhaps they were preparing for future 
events — ^we shall see. We knew exactly what the 
plan was and we thought we knew what the result 
would be. There is a well-worn adage to the effect 
that if you give one rope enough he will hang him- 

As a result of the police interfering with their two 
previous street parades, the leaders by word of mouth 
and the Union Record through its columns claimed the 
"right of free speech" had been abridged. I therefore 
assisted in securing a hall where "free-speech" advo- 
cates could meet on the following Sunday. They did 
meet and followed their programme by openly forming 
the "Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council" which 
had been secretly planned some time before! It was 
now thought that with the shipyard workers out on 
strike and a general strike being agitated, the time was 
ripe for the public formation of a soviet. A. E. Miller 
was advertised as the chairman of the meeting, and 
when the great hall opened on Sunday, January nine- 
teenth, more than 5,000 persons were present, the 
overflow crowd going up to their old meeting place at 
Fourth and Virginia streets. The meeting was con- 
ducted under the joint auspices of the Seattle Metal 
Trades Council and the Central Labour Council. A 
resolution was passed authorizing five delegates from 


every working-class organization in the city to meet at 
the Metal Trades Council on the following Saturday 
evening to perfect the organization of the "Soldiers, 
Sailors, and Workmen's Council." Frank A. Rust, 
manager of the Labour Temple Association, was one of 
the speakers. Mr. Rust is reputed to be a conserva- 
tive labour leader and yet he, in the presence of my 
successor Mayor C. B. Fitzgerald, said to me: "I am not 
for revolution now. I am afraid it cannot win, but 
if I thought it could win, I would be for it down the 

Again the hypocritical propaganda of aiding the re- 
turned soldiers was talked of in order to win their 
support for this revolutionary organization. The 
next day the streets were flooded with circulars headed: 
Chief of Police Warren Must Go, and closing with 
the statement: 

Workers, go to your labour meetings and demand his removal 
in no uncertain terms. This loathsome character can be removed by 
you, the organized workers, through your economic power, if nothing 
else will prevail. 

They knew I would never remove any man for doing 
his duty and they could have struck until the cows came 
home; Warren would not have been "fired" to please 
them or any one else. It is hard enough to get a man that 
will do his duty fearlessly, and the more law breakers 
"knock" such a man, the greater the proof of his 
well doing. "No thief ever felt the halter draw with 
good opinion of the law." 

Agitation was increased. Men worked but little 


in the shipyards, but gathered in knots to listen to the 
revolutionists, and on January twenty-first, at 10 a. m., 
all the shipyard workers in Seattle went out on strike. 
And the fight was on between the Government and the 

The lowest wage paid for common 'abour in the 
shipyards was $4.16 and the loudly vaunted reason of 
the strike was to aid the men who received this mini- 
mum wage. As a matter of fact, there were but few 
men in the shipyards who received this small amount. 
At the Skinner & Eddy plant (the largest in the city) 
only six men out of a total of 14,629 received this mini- 
mum wage The following statement, taken from the 
books of the Skinner & Eddy Corporation, show con- 
clusively that the strike was not called to increase the 
wages of the $4.16 men: 


81 . 

571 . 
6,064 • 
2,911 . 






4.64 to $5.00 
5.00 to 6.00 
6.00 to 7.00 
7.00 to 8.00 
8.00 and up 

ty of Tacoma 15,000 workers 

In the neighbouring ci 
walked out. 

The propaganda regarding the soldiers and sailors 
joining the ranks of the I. W. W. had been spread so 
broadcast throughout the country that on January 
twenty-second Senator Johnson of California stated 


on the floor of" the Senate that "press dispatches 
claimed that after dispersing a demonstration of I.W. 
W.'s in Seattle it was found that among the outcast 
I. W. W.'s were soldiers of the United States who were 
being fed by the I. W. W. and who were without re- 
sources or money or food." Our senator from Wash- 
ington, Wesley L. Jones, wired to Harold Preston, then 
chairman of our County Council of Defence, and myself 
as mayor, requesting information in relation to this 
matter. I replied, as did Mr. Preston, that it was 
untrue; that no soldiers or sailors had been arrested 
charged with being law violators; that no soldier or 
sailor outcasts were being fed by the I. W. W.; that so 
far as I knew they were with the authorities for the 
enforcement of law to the man; that all employers 
had opened places for them upon their return; that 
there was no unemployment in the city, and that up 
to the day of the strike labour was in good demand. 

But from house to house, at night, went the Red 
agitators, preaching discontent and hatred of our 
Government, and within twenty-four hours of the decla" 
ration of the shipyard strike, open agitation began for 
the calling of a general strike. On the night of Janu- 
ary twenty-second, thirty-six hours after the shipyard 
workers struck, a meeting was held at the Central 
Labour Council, and at this meeting a resolution was 
passed, asking every union in Seattle to go on a general 
strike in support of the workers in the shipyard indus- 
tries. In describing the meeting, the Union Record, 
under the caption "General Strike to Be Voted 
Upon by Unions," said : 


With cheers for the solidarity of Labour, and without a dissenting 
vote [an untruth], the Central Labour Council last night resolved to 
ask every union to go on a general strike in support of the workers 
in the shipyard industry. ... As explained by Chairman A. 
E. Miller of the Metal Trades Strike Committee, Business Agent 
Von Carnop, Delegate Jack Mullane, and others, the plan is for "mass 
action and mass results." Hulet M. Wells said when he took the 
platform : " Seattle is one place where a universal strike can be pulled 
off with success. ..." 

Concluding the debate, Delegate Fred Nelson unfurled one of the 
big coloured posters, showing a soldier and a sailor in uniform, and a 
worker in overalls, with the motto: ** Together We Win," amidst a 
storm of applause which lasted several minutes. 

"That's the way I came back from Chicago," shouted Delegate 
King who had just returned from the Mooney Congress, "sleeping 
between soldiers and sailors, and they are all with us." 

Thus the stage was set. The next day members of 
the 346th Field Artillery returned to Seattle. I won- 
dered at the time whether the revolutionists really 
believed they could make bolshevists of these loyal 
heroes. Before me is a report stating that they did 
expect and plan to absorb these soldiers. The thou- 
sands of returned soldiers gathered at the Hippo- 
drome to be welcomed — the same hall which but a 
few hours before had been filled with men who aimed 
to destroy the Government these men had fought to 

As mayor, I was requested to make a short address. 
It was hard to stand before those men and not tell them 
in plain words just what was to be attempted, but 
doing so would only have postponed the crisis. I knew 
it had to come and did not want to put it off. We were 

I said in speaking of the Reds: 

To that minority who would rule or overthrow this Government, 
I say, " Beware." Passion, noise, declamation, disorder, riot, trea- 
son, sedition, anarchy, are but the bubbles floating on the surface of 
the great river. The depths flow silently on to the sea bearing on 
their bosom the hopes and ideals of all humanity, pregnant with un- 
known and unthought possibilities of happiness and peace for all. 
Our country has been the beacon light for all the peoples of the 
world. Let us stand for orderly, well-thought-out progress; let us 
construct, not destroy; let us stand for order, not disorder; let us 
stand by our flag in this crucial time and when the smoke and dust 
and noise have passed away, our children and our children's children 
will reap the great reward. God Bless You and Keep You Safe. 



Before proceeding to tell the story of the general 
strike or attempted revolution in Seattle I want to 
give the reader a little idea of some of the events which 
had immediately preceded and led up to this ominous 
labour situat on throughout the Northwest and es- 
pecially in Seattle. 

The Convention of the Industrial Workers of the 
World in Chicago, in 1914, took an open stand against 
our Government. The result of this action was soon 
apparent in the West, and in and around Seattle, open 
denunciation of the Government becoming the order of 
the day. The street corners of Seattle and adjoining 
"towns and villages" became the nightly forum for the 
soap-boxers and little or no attempt was made to en- 
force the law prohibiting street meetings which caused 
obstruction of traffic. No eflfort whatever, so far as we 
know, was made by the authorities to punish the open 
teaching of sedition. Sabotage, too, came into as gen- 
eral use as was consistent with safety and the preaching 
thereof became as free and untrammeled as the preach- 
ing of the Gospel. 



Soon stickers appeared in the camps explaining how 
to destroy or injure machinery; accidents to logging 
and milling machinery became of daily occurrence, and 
almost every bunk house became a debating club 
where the best methods of practising sabotage, with 
safety^ were freely discussed. The output was de- 
creased and men did but a part of a day's work, grudg- 
ing every movement put forth that meant production. 
Strike after strike occurred, almost any excuse suf- 
ficing as a reason Impossible demands were made, the 
best of food was refused as uneatable, and a black pall 
of trouble settled over practically the entire Northwest. 

Apples were bruised in the packing so they would 
decay in but a short time. Logging engines were 
turned loose down the mountain sides, and fires became 
daily more numerous Police officers, soldiers, sailors, 
and all forces charged with enforcement of law were 
openly denounced and abused If one I. W. W. was 
arrested, hundreds more came from the surrounding 
country and tried to overcrowd the jails, laughed and 
sang, kept everyone awake, and generally kept things 
in a state of turmoil. There was absolutely no respect 
for duly-constituted authority, for law and order. Like 
the noisy frogs, the I. W. W. apparently believed that 
noise spelled numbers, force, and power to control. 

Everett, a city of 30,o<X) and but thirty miles from 
Seattle, finally passed a law prohibiting the obstruction 
of traffic by means of street meetings, and a strong effort 
was made to enforce it. The I. W. W. were equally 
determined that this law should not be enforced, and 
continued their attempts to hold nightly meetings in 


the down-town section. In desperation, Everett's 
outraged citizens organized to protect their city and 
drove certain I. W. W.'s from their midst, several being 
tarred and feathered. They were given to understand, 
in no uncertain language, that Everett was through 
with the I. W. W. for all time. 

Bent upon revenge, the I. W. W.'s met in Seattle, 
armed themselves, chartered a steamboat, and sailed 
for Everett to enforce the "right of free speech." They 
were met at the wharf by an armed group of men led 
by the sheriff and refused a landing. Someone opened 
fire, either from the boat or from the land; the testi- 
mony to this day is conflicting as to who fired the first 
shot. A battle ensued. Several were killed on both 
sides, but the boat finally departed and came back to 
our city, carrying with it the wounded and the dead, 
and leaving several of Everett's citizens sleeping their 
last sleep. Wholesale arrests were made upon the 
boat's arrival in Seattle. A trial was had, both sides 
presenting directly conflicting stories. No one was 
found guilty, but to this day Everett has had no fur- 
ther open and violent disorder. 

As a result of the Everett trouble, thousands of 
converts of I. W. W.'ism hurried to the centres of pop- 
ulation; Seattle, as the largest city in the Northwest, 
getting her full quota. For a time things looked bad, but 
no open revolt took place. There did come, however, 
a sharp division in the population, the vast majority, 
of course, demanding enforcement of existing laws. 
The city government, as then constituted, refused. 
Public sentiment became so crystallized against the 


then mayor that there was talk of his recall. A for- 
mer mayor had built a stand in a down-town park for 
the convenience of the I. W. W., but they almost invar- 
iably refused to use it. What they wanted was to be 
put in jail, to r.gitate and become martyrs. They did 
not want free speech — they wanted free board and free 

Conditions in the lumber industry became worse 
daily. Men could not be secured to do the work and, 
when secured, would not work. In the lumber camps 
of Oregon and Washington there were at least 40,000 
I. W. W.'s. 

With this country drawing nearer, daily, to the world 
war raging in Europe, Councilman Allan Dale thought 
it but proper that the city government should be the 
first to set an example of respect for our flag. He intro- 
duced, and had passed by the City Council, a resolution 
providing that at the opening of each session the 
council clerk should carry the flag into the chamber, 
whereupon each member was to salute and stand at 
attention until the flag was in its standard beside the 
president's desk. One member of the council, Oliver 
T. Erickson, voted against the resolution. Erickson 
also absented himself from the opening ceremony, and 
never thereafter saluted our flag when it was carried 
into the council chamber. A fine commentary on the 
patriotism and loyalty of a man who owes all that he 
has to our country — and Erickson was born in Minne- 
sota, not in Europe. 

Up at the Central Labour Council certain delegates 
openly fought the Government, and our flag was re- 


fused a place over their building. Finally, Frank W. 
Gates, a labour union man who was a member of the 
King County Council of Defence, a patriot whose three 
sons went to war, climbed the flag pole and nailed the 
Stars and Stripes to the mast. Mr. Gates made the 
following signed statement: 

Ten days before war was declared the United States flag which 
had flown over the Labour Temple disappeared. The Central La- 
bour Council met that night. I was a delegate representing the 
Painters and Decorators' Local 300. I made a motion that a new 
flag be purchased, but no action was taken. 

The following Wednesday I wainted to know why the flag had 
not been raised over the Labour Temple, and James Duncan in his 
ofiice told me that the reason was that "our flag was an emblem 
of war and bloodshed and that if it was raised the red flag must be 
hung beside it!" I told him that if Labour did not put the flag up 
the patriotic citizens of Seattle would do so and that this would put 
Labour in a bad light. If war was declared and the labour officials 
did not fly the American flag, I said I would, with the help of loyal 
labour people, raise the flag myself. He said if I did, "the red flag 
would fly with it." I said: "The people will take care of the red 

That same night I fought on the floor to get the flag up, but 
James Duncan led the opposition to it, and the motion was tabled 
and laid over. The Spanish War veterans called me up that night 
and said, " If Labour does not fly the flag over the Temple, we 
will put it up ourselves." 

Again I went to the labour officials and asked: "Why is not the 
flag on our Temple?" Duncan said: "I don't know as it ever will 
fly from this temple." I then asked Bob Hesketh, who was a mem- 
ber of the Finance Committee, if he would vote with me and back 
me up if I used labour funds to buy the flag. He said, "Yes." I 
wanted the flag to be bought with Labour's money. I then went to 
the Labour Temple and called on patriotic labour men to come 
with me and buy the flag. At least twenty men responded, and we 
bought the flag and we went up to the Labour Temple, and with an 
impromptu ceremony, hung the flag. The following Monday the 


officials became so alarmed at the public sentiment that they pulled 
down the flag I had paid for and purchased another and hung it in 
its place and returned mine to me. I stood the cost of the first flag 
myself. The flag has never been taken down, and it won't be either. 

Immediately upon our country declaring war every 
effort was made by the I. W. W. and radical elements 
to obstruct the success of our Government. Hulet M. 
Wells, together with others of his stripe, conspired to 
resist and obstruct the Selective Draft Act. Anna 
Louise Strong at once became an open, Red Revolu- 
tionisty and one of Wells's chief co-workers. Sam Sadler, 
another well-known I. W. W. already referred to, be- 
came a leader with Wells in his effort to stop the selec- 
tive service draft. So openly defiant did Wells and 
Sadler become that they were finally arrested, tried, 
and convicted, and are at this writing serving their 
sentences in the Federal prison. Miss Strong was one 
of the principal witnesses at their trial. 

On April seventh, the day after this country de- 
clared war, a great mass meeting was called at the 
Arena, Seattle's largest auditorium, with a seating 
capacity of 8,000 for the purpose of declaring Seattle's 
intention of supporting the Government and to unify 
all loyal elements under one head. The situation was 
critical. It was a time for unity of action — not for 
division. The loyalists invited the following speakers 
to address the assemblage: President Henry Suz- 
zalo of the University of Washington; Rev. Carter 
Helm Jones, one of the leading ministers of the 
city; Judge Thomas Burke, famous lawyer and lead- 
ing citizen and loyal every ounce, and myself. Rob- 


ert C. Saunders, now U. S. District Attorney, who 
subsequently sent three of his sons to the front, was 

The doors were opened to a crowd which overflowed 
the building. The opening song was sung; the people, 
stern, white faced, determined, sang the chorus. There 
was no laughter or smiling. It was stern business and 
the crowd meant business. The chairman introduced 
the Reverend Mr. Jones first. Jones was inspired. He 
made a speech that lifted the very souls of men to 
Heaven — his love of country rang in every sentence, 
every syllable, every word! He spoke of France, of 
Belgium, of its murdered; he demanded the defeat of 
Germany and all her policies. It was immense! I 
could feel my heart pound. My blood raced like a 
torrent in my veins. Everybody felt the same. He 
sat down. The crowd arose and cheered itself hoarse. 
It was the greatest speech any of us had ever heard. 
I would cross the ocean to hear such another. 

I was next called and did my best, taking as my maiir 
topic the Selective Service Act. I praised it "as the 
most democratic method of selecting a country's de- 
fenders ever devised." I said: **If it is a duty, alt 
should share it; if a privilege, all should enjoy it." 1 
denounced the camouflaged traitors who were obstruct- 
ing our Government, and impressed on the multitude 
that it was not a rich man's war, nor a poor man's war, 
but was a war for all of us, by all of us, with equal sacri- 
fice for all. When I closed by saying, **We are em- 
barking upon a path that will be wet with tears and 
stained with blood, but we must and will follow it to 


the end," the audience arose and sang "The Star- 
Spangled Banner." 

Then came Doctor Suzzalo, who dehvered a most 
wonderful address, brimful of hope, love, and patriotic 
fervour, and again the great crowd responded. Then 
Judge Burke, about five feet high and more than seventy 
years old, took the platform. The judge, besides being 
a great orator, is one of the clearest thinkers in our 
country, one of our most able and patriotic citizens, and 
is a real loo-per-cent. American ! He told of the cruelty 
of Germany; he recited the rape of Belgium and the 
murder of our own people. As he talked the faces 
of his hearers became dark and grim; hard lines ap- 
peared. There was not much applause Feeling was 
too intense. But when he finished, the hopes of the 
Anna Louise Strongs, the Sam Sadlers, the Hulet Wells's, 
and all anti-war factions in Seattle, had vanished. Every 
man and woman of the 8,000 stood ready to do their 
•duty no matter what happened. Seattle was united. 

In reality, Seattle was and always has been loyal, 
hut a few loud-mouthed traitors had actually suc- 
ceeded in creating the impression that this was not so. 
That meeting settled the question for the entire war. 
I went home but did not sleep very much. The longer 
I thought about it, the more I felt that hanging by the 
neck was too good for any one who was false to our flag 
and our country. I am very proud that I was privileged 
to take part in this great demonstration. I feel that 
it did Seattle and our country good. I know it did me 
good. I knew then that when the time of trouble 
came, when anarchy lined the sky, Seattle with her 


best and bravest would meet the crisis and stand four 

Then came the establishment of shipyards in our 
midst. Seattle was beginning to build ships; the water- 
front soon took strange shape, and from every part oi 
the country came an influx of strangers. More yards 
and still more yards were established, but with the com- 
ing of strangers came also a change in labour and civic 
affairs. The Government needed men to build ships, 
and in order to secure them, gave practical exemption 
from military service to those who entered the yards. 
Loggers quit the camps, coal miners quit the mines, 
and many structural iron workers who had "trained" 
with the McNamaras found profitable employment. 
Boys who wanted to escape the draft joined the work- 
ing forces, but the majority went to the shipyards 
in much the same spirit as did the boys who went to 
war — as a necessary patriotic duty to their country. 
Soon the 15,000 industrial workers increased to 65,000, 
and as the yards came into being under closed-shop 
conditions, the Government continued them as such. 
Thus there came to be in Seattle a union membership 
of more than 60,000. 

Here in the Northwest stood the biggest body of 
spruce in the country — timber that was better suited 
for airplanes than any other. The Government imme- 
diately tried to secure this spruce for its war work 
through the existing lumber camps and mills, but at 
every turn found the I.W.W. blocking its path! Every 
nerve was exerted by the I. W. W.'s to render the 
Government helpless! It became necessary for the 


Government to establish its own camps in the undevel- 
oped forests and, through regulation and supervision, 
drive the I. W. W.'s from the existing ones, and produce 
spruce to help win the war. 

Mr. Donovan, of the Bloedel-Donovan Mill Com- 
pany of Bellingham, Wash.,, in testifying before the 
Congressional Investigating Committee on August 
23, 1919, in Seattle, on I. W. W. efforts to obstruct the 
Government's spruce work, said: 

As soon as war started, the I. W. W. became very active in the 
woods. I do not know whether there was any connection between 
that organization and German agents. We met their opposition, 
which was manifested by driving spikes in logs, blowing up logging 
engines, starting fires in the woods, and anything else that would de- 
lay production. 

Our company had one very bad fire that the I. W. W. set. We 
had an engine blown up and a man killed, though I cannot be sure 
that the I. W. W. did this. We found an average of one spike a week 
in the logs at the mill, whereas usually we found one in six months 
or one a year. One ship that sailed from Bellingham with lumber 
was reported on fire at sea from the result of a fire bomb set aboard 
before she sailed. 

Not more than 20 per cent, of the men employed were engaged in 
such activities; the other 80 per cent, were loyal and earnest. 
When the loyal legion was formed, nearly all the loggers and millmen 
in the Northwest, including Oregon, Washington, and part of Idaho, 
joined. From that time on we had no trouble. 

In every camp the effort was made to eradicate the 
I. W. W.'s, and when driven from the woods they found 
ready employment in the cities — many of them in the 
shipyards. In all the previous history of the I. W. W. 
movement, it had planned to destroy from the outside 
the American Federation of Labour. But upon the 


outbreak of war the I. W. W.'s, forced to join the 
unions or go without work, began to "bore from 
within," their aim being to take possession of the al- 
ready functioning labour unions. Prominent members 
of the organization have told me that this was the result 
of plans made in Petrograd by Lenin and his crowd. 

When Lenin and Trotsky decided that their govern- 
ment must fall if our Government did not, they sent 
their agents to these shores to overthrow our Govern- 
ment, and upon their arrival in Seattle, they found the 
I. W. W. already in existence and functioning along 
bolshevist lines. They, therefore, joined the organi- 
zation, supported it with their funds, and led the fight 
against our Government by using the already -at-hand 

The old trade unions of Seattle were progressive but 
not revolutionary. Their organizations were the re- 
sult of years of effort, toil, and struggle. They knew 
that revolution was not the true route. They believed 
in gradual evolution and never-ceasing progress, but 
now a new note began to be sounded. A few of the 
old leaders were syndicalists at heart, while the new 
ones, clever, forceful, determined, gradually overthrew 
the more conservative leaders and took their places. 
Meetings that used to adjourn at twelve midnight now 
were prolonged until almost dawn. The Reds knew 
what they were doing and what they wanted. When 
the home owner and family man was forced to go home, 
they remained and toward morning did exactly as they 
pleased. The passage of revolutionary resolutions 
became more and more frequent. Labour was getting 


a bad name. At eleven p. m. the meeting would be 
American; at midnight it would be fifty fifty, while at 
two in the morning, only the Reds remained, with 
sometimes a few so-called conservative leaders who were 
too cowardly to raise their voices in defence of their country. 
Most of these leaders, who denounced bolshevism and 
I. W. W.'ism in private, were afraid to do so in public, 
fearing they would lose the paltry jobs they held as officers 
of their unions, as secretaries, walking delegates, etc. 
It was by pursuing these methods that the radicals 
finally succeeded in securing control of the Central 
Labour Council of Seattle, which is composed of repre- 
sentatives of all the unions in the city, and still contains 
many loyal men; who, through weakness and lack of 
fighting spirit, have allowed a mihtant "bummery"to 
control their affairs. This, then, was the condition of 
Seattle's affairs in 1917. 




And now along the war-worn land 

A mass would raise a blood-red lie 

To flaunt across the restless sky 

And call it FLAG — and some have planned 

To rule our sacred state 

With lust and death and hate. 

White crosses gleam upon the hill 

Of every Flanders town, but still 

Some forget the holy sleep 

Of Men who died to keep 

Them Free. 

— Leo H. Lassen, in the Seattle Star. 

In THE western suburbs of Portland, Oregon, there 
is a little village called Linnton. This village came into 
being during boom time and buildings were built 
which ofttimes have since stood empty. One of these 
buildings had been used in the palmy days as a pool and 
billiard hall. It was now deserted. 

On the night of October 22, 191 8, a strange body of 
men gathered within its walls; men who were strangers 
to Linnton ; men who did not Hve in Portland, or Ore- 
gon; men who were called together from far-away 



places, for a definite purpose, a purpose which could 
be carried out only in secrecy and darkness. One by 
one they crept into the old building, presented their 
credentials, and then sat in silence until all the elect 
were accounted for. The village slept, and probably 
until this page is read not one man or woman in the 
little hamlet has ever heard of this fateful gathering, 
and yet these strange men, with turned-up coat collars, 
with hats pulled down over their eyes, had met to de- 
stroy that which is most dear to the people of Linnton 
and to the liberty-loving folks of all the world. 

Nearly half a hundred people attended. They 
came from all over the United States; one from far- 
away Siberia, one from each of twenty-seven states of 
this Union, and one, the most important, came with 
credentials and a message from the Soviet Government 
of Russia. Every man was carefully examined and 
vouched for before he was admitted. Each had cer- 
tain credentials. One would have thought it was a 
meeting of some secret society at war with civiliza- 
tion, and it was! Representatives attended from 
Lynn, Mass., from Butte, Mont., from Houston, Tex., 
and from Paterson, N. J. 

The man from Russia read his instructions and his 
letter. Short, quiet comments were made. These 
men were not talkers; they were doers of deeds, and 
such deeds! Each man reported as to conditions in 
his own locality. All seemed to know that the World 
War was nearing its end. All expected chaos to follow. 
All, everyone, was for revolution; the only questions 
considered were: when.'' where.'' how? 


The meeting finally decided: 

That the time is ripe for the overthrow of our Gov- 
ernment — ripe for the establishment in its place of a 
soviet government similar to the one in operation in Russia; 

That the Government should be overthrown by 
peaceable means if possible; but that if resistance was 
encountered, force and violence of whatever character 
necessary should be used; 

That the lumber woods of Washington had the best- 
organized band of revolutionists in the United States; 
that the beginning must be made where these men could 

That a shipyard strike in Seattle, therefore, was the 
logical place to start; 

That the Macy award was to be the excuse; 

That the Macy Government Board was to be the 
target; and 

That a general strike in Seattle should immediately 
follow the shipyard strike^ which would be spread to 
many different localities, finally resulting in the over- 
throw of our Government and the placing in power, as 
dictators, some of the very men present. 

The unanimous agreement of all present as to the 
feasibility and certain success of the plan ended the 
business before the meeting. The scenario was fin- 
ished; the meeting adjourned; one by one the con- 
spirators left the building; one by one they left Port- 
land, soon to reappear in their respective communi- 
ties and carry out their respective roles. However, 
there were men present who had other credentials 
than those which admitted them. These men repre- 


sented society, you and me. Unknown to each other, 
they were there. Before morning the right people 
knew about the meeting, its plans, its decisions. 

Within three days events took place in widely scat- 
tered sections of this country showing that the work 
had begun. Every move ran true to schedule. There 
was no delay, no red tape. The work was admirably 
done. Strike after strike was called all over the 
country. The colonization in the shipyards went on 
smoothly. The aliens, the revolutionists, the I. W. W.'s 
came from everywhere. Plausible, forceful talkers, it 
was not hard for them to spread discontent. Any one 
who wanted work could get it. The propagandists 
infected one shift one week and the next week quit 
and worked with another crew. Literally tons of 
literature were distributed; thousands of agitators 
redoubled their efforts in the woods, in the shops, in 
the yards, on the streets, in the lodging houses, every- 
where. Never did a political party carry on such a 
campaign. Bearded aliens whose faces had never 
known a razor visited their countrymen at night. 
The Russian bolsheviki would tell their prospects: 
**This fight here is our fight in Russia. With capital- 
ism surviving in America, Russia will again go back to 
Czarism. By helping here and being ready, we help 
Lenin and all Russian patriots.'* This is taken ver- 
batim from a report of Secret Service men. 

Several who attended the Linnton meeting came to 
Seattle. They took part in all the revolutionary agita- 
tion up to and including the general strike. Money 
seemed to be very plentiful with the agitators. Never 


was one arrested who did not have plenty of funds; 
just as soon as he was booked, the I. W. W. defence 
attorney — an American born, educated in our schools 
and colleges, at our expense — would appear and make 
the fight for his release. 

A post office for I. W.W.'s and " Reds " was opened in a 
book store on First Avenue. The volume of mail was so 
great that it required an extra clerk to distribute it. 
One I. W. W. organizer walked into the clubhouse 
of the Elks, one of our most patriotic orders, applied 
for membership, and received his mail with checks, sub- 
scriptions, and I. W. W. literature for quite a long time 
at the Elks* business office. One day a man of the 
same name opened a letter by mistake and was amazed 
to find post office orders for a considerable sum with 
many applications for I. W. W. membership from Pasco, 
Washington, a railroad division point. Of course 
the I. W. W. never became, a member, and his use of 
the Elks' club ended right there. In order to get the 
workers to read the literature, which came principally 
from a Chicago publisher. Jack London and other prom- 
inent authors' names were printed on the cover as 
authors, despite the fact that the pamphlet itself 
contained references to occurrences which happened 
long after London died. This made no difference, circu- 
lation was thus secured, converts were made, and many 
contented workmen became ** class conscious," grew to 
hate the employer, the Government, and everyone else. 

Such is the power of the printed word. Society never 
has as yet sensed the value of advertising ideas, and 
perhaps never will until it is too late. The revolution- 


ist always has understood it. A merchant will adver- 
tise the merits of his goods but never the greatness and 
goodness of his government. Usually when he talks 
about it, he does as you and I do, and talks about 
the little holes in the fabric but seldom explains how the 
little faults can be easily mended by the people themselves. 
If the Portland meeting had been exposed it would 
merely have saved the agitators the necessity of ad- 
vertising. The smug citizen would have grinned and 
gone about his work as usual. Every agitator in the 
world would have known of the plan and its fruition 
would not have been checked. If one knows what his 
opponent is going to do, one can prepare to meet the 
situation. Surprise is always on the side of the at- 
tacker unless the attacked is forewarned. I felt that 
the quicker things came to a head the better for the 
country. If it was to happen, I wanted it to happen in 
Seattle, their chosen battle ground. If they lost 
here they would lose everywhere. We were sure 
of our police force, sure of the U. S. District Attor- 
ney, sure of our chief of police, and sure of our returned 
soldiers. I was also sure that the workers, union and 
non-union, would align themselves with their coun- 
try when they understood the perfidy of their leaders. 
I never talked with any man or woman about the 
Linnton plan until long after the general strike was 
over. The most silent individuals sometimes tell the 
most important things to very dear friends who retell 
them to others. The talkative man seldom talks about 
the things he should keep secret. Very often many 
words are a very useful smoke screen. 


We have seen how the Mooney Congress in Chicago, 
the shipyard strike in Seattle, the agitation for the 
general strike, the troubles in the lumber woods, the 
formation of the Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's 
Soviet, the articles in the Record, etc., all seemed to fit 
in beautifully with some general plan. The thought 
probably came unprompted to the reader: Can such 
things just happen .f* Can so many different, isolated 
occurrences be brought about at the right time, in the 
right place, without a plan ? The answer is. No. The 
Mooney Congress, the nation-wide agitation, the tons 
of propaganda, the colonization of Seattle, the lumber 
workers' sabotage, the formation of the Soviets, the 
shipyard strike, the immediate successful agitation for 
a general strike did not just happen or come out of the 
thin air of coincidence. 

The Linnton meeting and the plans laid there 
brought these matters about. The plan was carefully 
laid by shrewd men, men who had brains to conspire 
and courage to execute; men who hated our Govern- 
ment, hated all governments except the Lenin autoc- 
racy in Russia. These men had unbounded means, 
secret support in high places, and but for fortuitous 
circumstances and Seattle's loyalty might have 
changed the history of our country, for a time at least. 
A great deal of blood would have been shed, innocent 
blood in the main; a fire would have started which, gain- 
ing headway, would have been mighty hard to check, 
but Seattle was loyal and true and met the issue without 
flinching. Seattle's citizenship stood by our flag and 
the country was the gainer. 


We have seen how the shipyard workers struck; 
how their delegations went to other cities to agitate 
and call out their brethren; how the Soviets were formed, 
and how at once the general strike was agitated and 
started on its fateful way. The Seattle Union Record 
spilled more red ink daily, the unrest increased, the 
name of Piez of the Shipping Board became anathema, 
the slaughter of Chief Warren was planned, and it 
looked as though Hell would soon break loose. The 
Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council, formed os- 
tensibly to take care of returning soldiers and sailors, 
as a matter of fact, was formed for the purpose of tak- 
ing over all governmental authority during and after 
the strike. Five delegates were decided upon from each 
working-class organization, each organization was to 
conduct its industrial affairs, but the Soldiers, Sailors, 
and Workmen's Council (Soviet) was to possess su- 
preme authority. Much ado was made over bills 
pending before the Legislature for the relief of soldiers. 
As a matter of fact, no place in the United States pro- 
vided better for the returning soldiers than did the city 
of Seattle; several organizations kept open house and 
all soldiers were able to secure remunerative employ- 
ment. The state of Washington appropriated ^500,000 
to be used for relief purposes. In the hope, however, 
of capturing returning soldiers and sailors, and turning 
them into revolutionists, every device was used to win 
their favour. A large fund was raised, contributed by 
different labour bodies few of whose members knew of 
any other plan than to help the returning soldiers and 


On January twenty-fifth a meeting was held by the 
Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council at the hall 
of the Metal Trades Council. At this meeting, during 
the course of discussion, one Russian Bolshevist came to 
the platform and, among other things, said : 

In 1905 the Russian sailors proved what they could do, and blood 
ran red. Again, on several occasions, blood ran to prove that they 
were always true to the cause. In Petrograd the sailors again 
proved it, and this city ran with blood. The sailors of Bremerton 
(meaning Puget Sound Naval Station) will be on hand when needed, 
and the streets of Seattle will run red with blood and the Soldiers, 
Sailors, and Workmen's Council need not worry but what they (the 
sailors) will do their part. (Cheers.) 

This is an actual quotation from a report of the 
meeting by an operative of the Department of Justice 
at Washington. 

At a later meeting held at Painters* Hall, a consti- 
tution was ordered prepared, which was to supplant 
the Constitution of the United States. At a subse- 
quent meeting, held at 310 Collins Building, in accord-* 
ance with a report made by the Minute Men, it was 
agreed that the Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Coun- 
cil "was to be a delegate body, representing the revolu- 
tionary spirit of the country, and that this delegate 
body was to be the future government of the country 
and in time — of the whole world! . . . That the 
delegates would not represent a false structure, but 
would have actual membership behind it, so that when 
called to act in the revolution they could depend on 
what they really had . . . That it would be the 
government of the country; that each organization 


was to be represented by their delegates; that it was 
identical with the Russian movement, and that they 
would take over and run all industries; that they would 
not compensate the capitalists for the industries at all, 
but just take them over." 

A former janitor of one of our public schools who had 
been for years the *'ad" writer and propaganda distrib- 
uter for the man who "pulled teeth by day and prac- 
tised law by night," was one of the leading delegates. 

The constitution adopted was a cross between the 
Soviet Constitution of Russia and the I. W. W. Decla- 
ration of Principles. I quote now from the 

Declaration of Principles of the Workers, 
Soldiers, and Sailors' Council 

preceding the Constitution itself: 

Society is divided into two classes, the working class and the 
employing class. . . . We recognize the imperative necessity of 
developing working-class institutions to supersede those of the ruling 
class. We hail with admiration and pride the Russian revolution. 
. . . We pledge ourselves to leave no stone unturned till the 
complete emancipation of the working class is an accomplished fact. 
The purpose of the Council of Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors is to 
organize all members of the working class into one organization and 
train them in the principles of mass action, in order that we may 
realize that accumulation of energy, that concentration of force, 
and continuity of resistance necessary to strike the final blow against 
capitalism. With these objects in view, we call upon all those who 
toil, regardless of race, creed, colour or sex, to rally to the standard 
of real democracy to bring about the dictatorship of the only useful 
class in society — the working class. 

On January twenty-fifth, four days after the ship- 
yard strike had been called, Seattle shipbuilders re- 
ceived the following telegrams from Mr. Charles Piez, 


director-general, United States Shipping Board, Emer- 
gency Fleet Corporation, and Mr. V. Everit Macy, 
chairman of the Labour Adjustment Board: 

The Fleet Corporation feels that the men in your district have 
had every opportunity for a proper and fair hearing; that the men 
in striking violated the spirit and letter of their agreement with the 
Government; that they were in the highest degree unwise in the 
face of a falling market to stop work; and that, if they were success- 
ful in securing their demands by this means, the future of the entire 
shipbuilding industry in your district would be jeopardized. 

The Fleet Corporation stands by the Macy Board decision and 
will do nothing more. 

I ask you to make no efforts to resume operations unless the men 
are willing to accept the Labour Adjustment Board's decision. The 
Government is not so badly in need of ships that it will compromise 
on a question of principle. 

(Signed) PiEZ. 

Board regards going out of men in Puget Sound yards violation 
of agreement. Shipbuilding Labour Adjustment Board cannot 
countenance their action in any way. 

(Signed) Macy. 

The shipbuilders printed the above telegrams in 
the Times of January twenty-sixth, and accompanied 
them with this statement: 

In connection with these telegrams it should be realized that the 
agreement referred to is that there should be no lockouts or strikes 
until peace is declared as evidenced by proclamation of the President. 
Our employees, and the public as well, must understand that we 
are now confronted with the absolute fact that the men must either re- 
turn to work under the Macy award, or that shipbuilding with its com- 
mensurate payroll ceased in this community forever last Tuesday. 
Skinner & Eddy Corporation, 
J. F. Duthie & Co., 

Ames Shipbuilding & Drydock Company, 
Todd Shipbuilding & Drydock Corporation, 
Seattle North Pacific Shipbuilding Company. 


These telegrams, however, had no effect whatsoever 
upon the strikers. Every hour brought reports of some 
union voting in favour of the general strike. As a 
matter of fact, not more than lo per cent, of the work- 
ers in Seattle ever voted for the general strike. Each 
meeting was either packed with radicals before the 
conservative element arrived, or only the radicals were 
notified of the meeting. 

All this time we were busy at the City Hall. The 
influenza epidemic seemed to be gaining. In the Legis- 
lature, the person who had collected ^i,ioo from the 
quarantined victims was busily engaged in lobbying 
and making open attacks against the city government. 
We were also doing everything possible to induce the 
Legislature to pass a great "land-reclamation bill" so 
that those of the returning soldiers and sailors who de- 
sired to secure for themselves a tract of irrigated land 
could do so on long-time and easy payments. But 
with all these added burdens, we did not slacken our 
preparations to meet the general strike, which now 
seemed certain to occur. We literally worked night 
and day. 

In checking up the stocks of the various sporting- 
goods' stores, hardware stores, and pawnshops, in neigh- 
bouring cities as well as in Seattle, we discovered that 
more rifles, revolvers, and cartridges had been sold dur- 
ing the previous two weeks than during the past six 
months. At our request the merchants removed 
their stock of arms and ammunition from their shelves 
and all further open sales stopped. The efforts of 
the Metal Trades Council to tie up the entire ship- 


building industry of the United States and Canada 
continued unabated, their Conference Committee send- 
ing out hundreds of telegrams and letters throughout 
the United States calling for a general cessation of work 
in all shipyards. It is worthy of note also that on 
January twenty-eighth, in London, England, 200,cxx> 
men struck in the shipyards and other industries. 

The general chorus of discontent was of course joined 
by the Union Record and this sheet on January twenty- 
fourth, under the headlines: "Boys Cheer in Passing 
Strike Headquarters," told of returning soldiers 
loudly cheering a large coloured poster showing a soldier, 
a sailor, and a worker arm in arm, with the motto: "To- 
gether We Win." Without giving the name of the 
soldier, the Record then quotes one of the men as 

Most of the soldiers who had come from the cities would be eager 
to join the Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council as soon as 
they were discharged from the service. Discontent with the old 
order of things and radical ideas are growing like wildfire in the 

To keep the general-strike agitation at the fever 
stage, the boiler-makers held a mass meeting at 
the Hippodrome on Sunday, January twenty-sixth. 
Talks were made on the general-strike votes being then 
taken by several unions; reports were received from 
delegates who had attended the Mooney Congress in 
Chicago; speeches were made in defence of the Union 
Record; the shipyard strike was gone over once more 
to keep up the spirit of the strikers, but in fact the 


meeting was for the purpose of showing "soHdarity," 
to be used as a "club" to intimidate those unions that 
were "faltering" and failing to show a "solid front" 
in favour of the general strike. The Union Record 
quotes John McKelvey as sa-ying during the course of 
his speech : 

And now Piez says if we don't give in and go back to work, so 
these millionaires can go back to making their millions, they'll 
take the contracts away from Puget Sound, and do all the ship- 
building back East. Well, let 'em do it. If they want to start a 
revolution, let 'em start it. 

Commenting editorially on the Piez and Macy tele- 
grams, the Record on the same page says : 

What ships have been built in the recent emergency were built 
in spite of the caveman findings of the Macy Board and not because 
of them. 

Verily, the pot was boiling; was soon to boil over! 

So far-reaching had been the plans laid by the lead- 
ers of the strike to stop all shipbuilding on the conti- 
nent that on January twenty-eighth, at Victoria, B. C, 
the Victoria Metal Trades Council refused to assist in 
the repairs to the steamer Admiral WatsoUy the strikers 
saying: "We have received orders from the Seattle 
Metal Trades Council." 

On the same day the Metal Trades Council held its 
regular meeting and promised to stand by all unions 
that came out in the sympathy strike and to com- 
municate with all shipbuilding districts in the United 
States and Canada in order to effect a complete tie-up 
of all shipbuilding on the continent. 


Having worked the workers up to the point where 
nothing seemingly remained but to set the date when 
the mass strike was to begin, 300 delegates, represent- 
ing no of the 130 unions in Seattle, met on Sunday, 
February second, in an all-day session at the Labour 
Temple, and fixed the date for the general strike for 
10 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, February sixth. 
All newspaper accounts of the meeting agree that the 
vote was "unanimous." Probably it was, because 
the "Conservatives" had been so terrified by the 
"Reds" that they dared not oppose them. In any 
event, this meeting was so "secret" that even the 
president of the Central Labour Council — ^who was 
not a delegate — was unable to gain admittance for 
three hours after the meeting had begun its session. 
At this meeting an "executive committee" was named 
to formulate ways and means of conducting the strike, 
as was also a "committee on tactics," to work in 
conjunction with a committee of the Metal Trades 
Council to send out notices to all local unions regarding 
the general strike; also to work out plans to extend the 
strike to other localities, and to be in readiness to be 
dispatched to any place where the general committee 
might deem it expedient to carry on this work. 

It would be impossible to reproduce the many circu- 
lars and hand-bills which were thrown about the city 
at night to fan the flames of discontent, biit one in par- 
ticular I wish you to read which is reproduced herewith, 
verbatim. These hand-bills were being passed out in 
front of the Labour Temple on the night of February 
fourth, thirty-six hours before the strike. 


Shipyard Workers — ^You left the shipyards to enforce your de- 
mands for higher wages. Without you your employers are help- 
less. Without you they cannot make one cent of profit — their 
whole system of robbery has collapsed. 

The shipyards are idle; the toilers have withdrawn even though 
the owners of the yards are still there. Are your masters building 
ships? No. Without your labour power it would take all the ship- 
yard employers of Seattle and Tacoma working eight hours a day 
the next thousand years to turn out one ship. Of what use are they 
in the shipyards ? 

It is you and you alone who build the ships; you create all the 
wealth of society to-day; you make possible the $75,000 sable coats 
for millionaires* wives. It is you alone who can build the ships. 

They can't build the ships. You can. Why don't you? 

There are the shipyards; more ships are urgently needed; you 
alone can build them. If the masters continue their dog-in-the- 
manger attitude, not able to build the ships themselves and not 
allowing the workers to, there is only one thing left for you to do. 

Take over the management of the shipyards yourselves; make the 
shipyards your own, make the jobs your own, decide the working 
conditions yourselves, decide your wages yourselves. 

In Russia the masters refused to give their slaves a living wage, 
too. The Russian workers put aside the bosses and their tool, the 
Russian Government, and took over industry in their own interests. 

There is only one way out, a nation-wide general strike with its 
object the overthrow of the present rotten system which produces 
thousands of millionaires and millions of paupers each year. 

The Russians have shown you the way out. What are you going 
to do about it? You are doomed to wage slavery till you die unless 
you wake up, realize that you and the boss have not one thing in 
common, that the employing class must be overthrown, and that 
you, the workers, must take over the control of your jobs, and 
through them the control of your lives, instead of offering your- 
selves up to the masters as a sacrifice six days a week, so that they 
may coin profits out of your sweat and toil. 

Under the heading: "Strikers to Do Own Polic- 
ing," the Union Record printed a statement issued by the 


Publicity Division of the Strike Committee. This 
statement announced that "the personnel of the 
Executive Strike Committee is at the disposal of 
organized labour and the general public. This com- 
mittee meets daily at 1:30 in room nine, Labour 

The following significant statement is added: 

Relative to reports that Chief of Police Warren planned an in- 
crease of the Seattle police force during the strike, the committee 
announces that there will be absolutely no need of building up a 
larger police force organization. The Strike Executive Committee has 
already perfected plans to do its own policing on behalf of organized 
labour. Details of this plan will be announced Tuesday. 

Persons having no urgent business to attend to on the streets 
after 8 o'clock in the evening should remain at home wherever possible. 
. . . The firefighters of Seattle have accordingly been asked to 
remain at their f>osts during the strike. 

The committee has properly taken care of all laundry work for 
hospitals by securing one of the largest private laundries in the city, 
where this work will be done under the supervision of the committee. 
The health and sanitary end has also been adequately attended to. 

The Executive Committee wishes the public in general to realize 
that all matters relating to the general strike are being attended to by 
the committee in its usual thorough manner. All details large or small 
receive their attention. 

(Signed) Publicity Committee 

W. F. DeLancey, Chairman, 

W. Z. ZiMMER, Secretary. 

In Other words, this government within a government, 
this self-appointed and Hell-anointed Soviet, would 
take over the policing of the city, would do laundry 
work, sanitary and health work, and attend to all details 
large or small. 

The city government was simply to be supplanted; 


the soviet told the firemen what to do and notified 
citizens that Chief Warren need not increase the poHce 
force. They would attend to the policing and every- 
thing else. They were going to run the government; 
they were going to supersede the duly-elected officials. 

I read their proclamation. Was this Russia or the 
United States? In scanning the names of the Execu- 
tive Committee I saw they were, in the main, brainless 
tools who had been put in the front row to serve the 
leaders who as yet were under cover and operating by 

Immediately I issued the following statement: 

Certain things are necessary to the preservation of life. Water, 
light, and food are essential. The city government will continue 
to operate its light and water plants. It will care for sanitation. 
If the men now on the job quit, others will be substituted. 

The seat of government is still at the City Hall. The Mayor and 
the Chief of Police, together with their legally chosen assistants, are 
the peace officers of this city, and will continue to police the city of 
Seattle. Our function is to preserve order and protect life and 
property. This will be done. Ole Hanson, Mayor. 

The time had now come for them to throw off the 
mask. They had led the deceived rank and file so far 
that they believed they would now follow the crafty 
leaders to the end. There was no further concealment 
in the street propaganda. The talk went up and down 
the city that this committee of ignoramuses and tools 
were going to estabUsh a government by themselves 
and for themselves. As expected, on February fourth, 
the public announcement of their revolutionary plans 
appeared in the Union Record. This was done in order 


to prepare the people for the estabUshment and con- 
tinuance of the control of the soviet. It was considered 
carefully and Anna Louise Strong was chosen to write 
the editorial and thus prepare the minds of the people 
in order to lessen the shock. 

The Record editorial was captioned : 

THURSDAY AT 10 a. m. 

There will be many cheering, and there will be some who fear. 
Both these emotions are useful, but not too much of either. We 
are undertaking the most tremendous move ever made by Labour 
in this country, a move which will lead 


Twelve great kitchens have been offered, and from them food 
will be distributed by the provision trades at low cost to all. 


The milk-wagon drivers and the laundry drivers are arranging 
plans for supplying milk to the babies, invalids, and hospitals, and 
taking care of the cleaning of linen for hospitals. 


The Strike Committee is arranging for guards, and it is expected 
that the stopping of the caEs will keep people at home. 

A few hot-headed enthusiasts have complained that strikers only 
should be fed, and the general public left to endure severe discom* 
fort. Aside from the inhumanitarian character of such suggestions, 
let them get this straight: 


What does Mr. Piez of the Shipping Board care about the closing 
down of Seattle's shipyards, or even of all the industries of the North- 
west? Will it not merely strengthen the yards at Hog Island, in 
which he is more interested ? 


When the shipyard owners of Seattle were on the point of agreeing 
with the workers, it was Mr. Piez who wired them that, if they so 
agreed — 


Whether this is camouflage we have no means of knowing. But 
we do know that the great Eastern combinations of capitalists could 
afford to offer privately to Mr. Skinner, Mr. Ames, and Mr. Duthie 
a few millions apiece in Eastern shipyard stock, 


The closing down of Seattle's industries, as a mere shutdoton, will 
not affect these Eastern gentlemen much. They could let the whole 
Northwest go to pieces as far as money alone is concerned. 

But, the closing down of the capitalistically controlled industries 
of Seattle, while the workers organize to feed the people, to care for 
the babies and the sick, to preserve order — this will move them, for 
this looks too much like the taking over of power by the workers. 

Labour will not only shut down the industries, but' Labour will 
reopen, under the management of the appropriate trades, such ac- 
tivities as are needed to preserve public health and public peace. 
If the strike continues. Labour may feel led to avoid public suffering 
by reopening more and more activities, 


And this is why we say we are starting on a road that leads — 


The editorial speaks for itself. No comment is 
necessary. The guilty coward leaders hiding in the 
background had prepared a dummy committee, and 
with the help of their propaganda sheet now proposed to 
do as planned in Linnton and take over all industry y all 
civil authority y and follow exactly the same course as was 
followed in Russia. 

On the day before the strike Leon Green, Russian 
alien and bolshevist, gave out the following interview: 


The members of the Electrical Workers' Local 77 at a meeting 
last night expressed regret that the first vote on the general strike was not 
unanimous. They then voted unanimously to order off every mem- 
ber of the Union employed by the city, Puget Sound Traction, Light and 
Power Company and other concerns at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning. 
This means that every electrician in the city will quit. 

It will affect the fire alarm, city light, telegraph, and telephone com- 
panies. The intention of the Union is to make the tie-up so complete 

that the strike will not last twenty-four hours Pulling 

off the electrical workers in charge of the fire alarm system will make 
■useless the effort of the city to stay on the job. 

The Union appointed a committee of three, composed 
of Leon Green, alien; Hulet M. Wells, already under 
sentence; and "Red" O'Neil, with power to act on all 
matters affecting the electrical workers during the 

I immediately called a meeting, in my office, of all 
the department heads, notified them neither to ask 
for nor accept any exemption; to conduct the city's 
business as formerly, and discipline according to civil- 
service rules all employees who struck. 

A secret meeting of I. W. W.*s was interrupted by the 
entrance of A. E. Miller. He immediately spoke and 
said: "I can stay here but a few moments. Someone 
has notified the International of our plans. The In- 
ternational vice-president is on his way here. Some 
dirty rat has reported that we are I. W. W., and if the 
vice-president got the evidence, we would certainly have 
to go. You know what that means; the strike is broken 
if we are removed. Don't give any evidence connecting 
us with the I. W. W." 

The International vice-president did come and some 


time thereafter Miller was removed from the Engineers 
Local by action of the International. At the time this 
is being written, the case is in court. 

On February fifth, the day before the general strike, 
I was called on the telephone and asked to talk with 
several conservative labour leaders at the Metal Trades 
Council. Some of the men named were real loyal 
citizens, and I at once walked over to their headquarters 
two blocks away. As soon as I arrived I found a gath- 
ering consisting of Hulet M. Wells, Anna Louise Strong, 
and several others. They asked if we could not come 
to an arrangement whereby the city employees might 
walk out and the light plant be shut down. In a few 
words I told them they were revolutionists, not strikers; 
had no grievance against the city, and that the city 
utilities would function as long as we had one man who 
would work and one rifle to protect him. I then 

At lo o'clock that night Frank Rust called me 
on the 'phone and said that if I would come down to 
the Labour Temple the whole Strike Committee would 
meet me, and he felt sure an understanding could be 
reached. I told him it was useless. He said*. "Mayor, 
come down for the sake of conservative labour." I 
was very busy working in my bedroom on plans for 
defence, including securing cartridges, shot guns, ma- 
chine guns, drawing a map showing the places where 
the men were to be stationed, and massing our forces 
at what I considered strategic points. I may say in 
passing that the Labour Temple would have been our 
uptown headquarters within thirty minutes after 


trouble started and that the very nest where this 
hellish plot was hatched would have been the place 
where the dead would have been prepared for later 

After Rust pleaded with me I called for my car and 
went to the Labour Temple and was immediately 
conducted into a secret meeting. While there certain 
members of the Strike Committee tried to get me to 
agree to various proposals. One was that they were 
to allow the men to remain at work in our light plant, 
but that they had plenty of men who could quietly and 
secretly cut off lights from all stores, factories, etc., 
and that I should make public statements but should 
not interfere. I told them that the light and street 
cars and municipal affairs would continue to function; 
that any man who interfered would be shot; that they 
were revolutionists, and we would not concede anything 
to them. Speaker after speaker rose to his feet and 
declared the city utilities were theirs; that they repre- 
sented the workers, and they only were to be consid- 
ered. I told them: "The city utilities belong to all 
the people, not to any class. They will function for all 
the people. Any force necessary will be used to con- 
tinue their operation." 

Leon Green then rose and said: "What is the use of 
talking to Hanson.? Why trim around? He has told 
you plainly that he will run every public utility. I 
know him well enough to know that he means it. Now, 
if we have the greater force, he will go down. If he has 
the greater force, he will win. The issue is plain.*' I 
said: "Green, you understand the situation and so 


do I. When Americanism is the issue there can be no 
compromise. Go to it. Do your worst. We defy 
you and all your kind, and remember this, that even 
if you clean us up [city authorities], back of us stands 
the whole Government of this country. But, in my 
best judgment, we will win without government aid, 
because the people of this city are back of the city 

I then left them and went to my home to work. 
I had already wired Secretary of War Baker, stating 
exact conditions in Seattle, and asked him to stand 
ready with government troops in case the revolutionists 
were able to win from the city authorities. We also 
communicated with Governor Lister, who was then 
very ill, President Suzzalo and Attorney General 
Vaugn Tanner having charge of his affairs, and asked 
that the troops be called, stationed in the armoury and 
Fort Lawton and held in readiness in case we proved 
unable to handle the situation. 

The troops, old regulars who had seen service, came 
quickly to Seattle, were stationed in the armoury, and 
remained there during the entire trouble. The busi- 
ness community, many of them, were very much 
alarmed and wanted martial law. Some believed that 
only government troops could handle the situation, 
but good old Chief Warren was busy. We swore in 
hundreds of emergency policemen, armed them and 
stood ready. The Chief secured machine guns, mounted 
them on trucks, and enlisted the services of discharged 
soldiers who had handled the same guns on the- Flanders 
front. We had dozens of motor cars ready; the morale 


of the police was 100 per cent. Lieutenant Hedges 
had been in the army. He drilled his men night and 
day. On February sixth he was made captain. Every 
policeman in Seattle stood ready to die in his tracks 
before he went back one inch. And the Irish, God bless 
them, we literally had to confine these boys in the 
assembly room, so anxious were they to clean out the 
Reds! For years before I was mayor, the Reds had 
called the police dirty rats, dogs, capitalist tools; they 
had pushed them off the sidewalks, and when they had 
arrested a Red, they had been suspended. It was dif- 
ferent now. Both the Chief and I told them we would 
go all the way with them, that an order issued meant that 
they were to execute it and that no skim-milk measures 
would go. They cheered and waited. Seattle has 450 
policemen of whom every man is loyal and true, Catho- 
lic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile, "and that goes." 

In the meantime, the people of Seattle had rushed to 
the stores and purchased hundreds of dollars* worth of 
needful articles. Believing that the lights would go 
out, whole stocks of lamps were disposed of. On 
February fifth there was no store in the entire city that 
could wait on one fifth of its customers. It was as if 
every house was to be quarantined and each household 
must live within itself for many days. In the gray 
dawn of the morning of February sixth army truck 
after army truck filled with regular troops from Camp 
Lewis rumbled through the city, and wg were ready. 



At TEN o'clock, February sixth, a strange silence fell 
over our city of four hundred thousand people. Street- 
car gongs ceased their clamour; newsboys cast their 
unsold papers into the street; from the doors of mill 
and factory, store and workshop, streamed sixty-five 
thousand workmen. School children with fear in their 
hearts hurried homeward. The life stream of a great 
city stopped. 

The mass strike, most potent weapon of revolutionists, 
was in operation. 

Merchants, bankers, tradesmen, preachers, lawyers, 
doctors, and workers stood in silence with questioning 
looks on their faces. It was as if a great earthquake 
was expected from which none could escape. 

Without reason — ^without cause — our city lay pros- 

The criminal leaders of union labour issued their 
ukase, refusing to allow any one to do anything in any 
way without first securing their august permission, 
evidenced by a printed slip, marked "exemption." 
They announced that only a few exemptions would be 
granted. They would bury the dead if the hearse and 
automobile owners gave them half the profits; they 



would allow hospitals to operate if exemption was ap- 
plied for; but light, transportation, and food for stores 
or restaurants were not exempted. 

They said: "We will run our soup houses and that is 
all we will do." 

They graciously permitted the sale of a ration of 
milk for all bottle-fed babies. They demanded that 
our municipal utilities should cease to be. They openly 
advocated the taking over of all enterprises. 

Leon Green said to me on the day of the strike: "You 
shall have no light and no power. Your streets shall 
be dark. Hospitals cannot function. We will make 
it so terrible that in a short time we will win." 

I replied: "We shall have Hght and water and trans- 
portation. Our municipal activities shall not cease. 
This is America and not Russia. You and your an- 
archists shall not control this Government." 

Thus we defied them. Their plans were carefully 
laid. The Soldiers, Sailors, and Workmen's Council 
had been organized to have super-control of all things. 
Different crafts were to conduct each industry. Con- 
fiscation and reappropriationwere at hand, they thought. 
They believed that because of the response to the 
general strike order, the workmen of Seattle were revo- 
lutionists and would assist in the overthrow of the 
Government. Of course, I remained at the City Hall 
with my secretary, directing our preparations. My 
problem was to strike at the psychological time. 1 
felt that the people needed a little time really to sense 
what was going on. We were prepared and could wait. 
Our main fight was to continue the operation of the 


light plant in order that the city should not be thrown 
into darkness. 

I called about me the employees of the Hght de- 
partment, and standing on a table, told them exactly 
what the plan was and how they, by leaving their 
posts, would be assisting the revolutionists and turning 
the city over to the thugs and blacklegs, who would loot, 
rape, and kill, and establish a reign of terror. Despite 
enormous pressure, the great majority remained on 
the job, while the places of the few who left were im- 
mediately filled by volunteers who had worked at simi- 
lar occupations in days gone by. Practically every 
business house in Seattle closed, several through fear, 
although they had sufficient help on hand to remain 
open. All restaurants were closed, while the soup 
houses established by the strikers were a complete 

As I walked up Second Avenue the afternoon of 
February sixth a funeral passed by and on the hearse, 
in large letters, were the words: 


The victims of the "flu" epidemic could not be buried 
without the permission of this august body! But still 
I waited. I felt that the public had not suffered suf- 
ficiently, as yet, to cause them to turn upon the usurpers. 

On the morning of the seventh no newspapers had 
as yet appeared. The only authentic printed word 
on the situation to reach the people came from Port- 
land, Oregon, when the Oregonian was offered on the 
streets. So eager were the people for something official 


that all copies of the Oregonian were sold out half an 
hour after reaching the city. A rumour would start, 
and in an hour spread all over the city. Some strike 
sympathizers went from house to house, telling the 
people the headworks of the water plant had been 
dynamited. Others announced that the city would be 
in darkness that night; others that the Mayor had been 

As the first day of the strike came to a close, the city 
of Seattle was in a state of unrest, while many of its 
people feared nightfall, shuddering to think of what 
might follow the failure of the lights to "come on." 
Women kept calling up the city authorities, pleading for 
protection. I received one message notifying me that 
I would suffer the consequences unless I removed from 
my motor car the small American flag that flew above 
the radiator. I answered this coward simply by cover- 
ing the entire top of my car with a larger flag, and from 
that time on drove the streets of Seattle with Old 
Glory above me. 

The municipal street cars did not run the first day, 
although Thos. F. Murphine, Superintendent of Public 
Utilities, was anxious to operate them. The Chief of 
Police believed that running the street cars would 
bring many women and children down town and that 
if a riot occurred many innocent folks might be shot 
down. The sidewalks were thronged with strikers, 
but there was a noticeable absence of women and 
children. That night the city lights continued burn- 
ing. I stood and watched the lights hour after hour, 
wondering whether they would continue sending out 


their beams to give hope and protection to our citizens. 
They did continue to burn, and the general strike never 
succeeded in stopping the flow of one drop of water, 
nor was it able to keep from burning one single eight- 
candle-power light, while gas flowed through the mains 
without any interruption whatever. 

At ten o*clock the next morning (the seventh), I 
decided that the psychological time had come to take the 
ofi^ensive, and sat down to my typewriter and wrote 
the following proclamation to the people of Seattle: 

Proclamation to the People of Seattle: 

By virtue of the authority vested in me as mayor, I hereby 
guarantee to all the people of Seattle absolute and complete pro- 
tection. They should go about their daily work and business in 
perfect security. We have fifteen hundred policemen, fifteen hun- 
dred regular soldiers from Camp Lewis, and can and will secure, if 
necessary, every soldier in the Northwest to protect life, business, 
and proF>erty. 

The time has come for every person in Seattle to show his Ameri- 
canism. Go about your daily duties without fear. We will see to 
it that you have food, transportation, water, light, gas, and all 
necessities. The anarchists in this community shall not rule its 
affairs. All persons violating the laws will be dealt with summarily. 

Ole Hanson, Mayor. 

I then prepared an ultimatum to the Executive Strike 
Committee, demanding unconditional, complete, and un-' 
equivocal surrender and notifying them that if the 
strike was not called off* the following day, I would take 
advantage of the oflFer of the U. S. Government and 
operate all essential industries. I instructed my secre- 
tary to serve this notice on the Strike Committee at 


I then rushed copies of both to L. Roy Sanders, man- 
aging editor of the Seattle Star^ who was determined to 
go to press and issue his paper. At my request he 
gave up practically his entire front page to the procla- 
mation and ultimatum. Loyal union men, obeying 
the orders of their International, printed the paper, 
and alongside the proclamation was printed a picture 
of the Stars and Stripes. The date line read: "Seattle, 
United States of America." 

Exactly at noon Mr. Conklin, my secretary, entered 
the room of the Executive Strike Committee at the 
Labour Temple and asked if this was the General 
Executive Strike Committee. The chairman responded 
that it was and asked: "What do you want?" He 
then told them that he had a message from the Mayor, 
and continued : " In order to be sure you all understand 
it, I will read it." As he read the ultimatum, pausing 
between the sentences, he noticed the faces of the very 
men who had been loudest in "egging on" the workers 
turn pale. They knew we were prepared and that we 
proposed to go the full limit in defeating their ne- 
farious and un-American aims. 

While the Seattle Star was striving, under police 
protection, to get out their newspaper, a committee 
consisting of eight or nine labour leaders, including 
"Jimmy" Duncan, Hulet M. Wells, and E. A. Miller, 
came to the mayor's office and asked for a consultation. 
This was about eleven thirty. I told them to wait in 
my office until I returned, as I had important business 
to attend to. I let them wait there until three o'clock 
that afternoon, without lunch and without any com^ 


munication with their friends on the outside. Before 
they could get away to rally their followers the Seattle 
Star, containing my proclamation, had distributed free, 
under police protection, 100,000 copies of the paper, 
and / knew then that the attempted revolution was 

At three o'clock I came back to my office and in the 
presence of two citizens whom I had called in the com- 
mittee were told that we had nothing to say to them, 
that we would not deal with revolutionists. Duncan 
pleaded for help to get the leaders "out of the 
hole." He wanted some promise, some little thing 
to show to the strikers, in order that he. Wells, Miller, 
et al. might not lose their prestige. We absolutely 
refused to consider anything but complete and un- 
conditional surrender. Duncan said: "Don't be too 
sure about the troops. It is about an even break 
whether they go with you or with us. We don't 
want to make the test"; and I told him that noth- 
ing would please me better than to have the test 
come, "the quicker, the better"; that if our soldiers 
were not loyal, the country could not stand, but "you 
will find that the soldiers will fight for the flag in 
Seattle just as quickly as they did across the seas." 
The meeting then broke up and from that day to the 
time I left the mayor's office he never set foot inside 
the door again. 

With my proclamation occupying most of the 
front page of the Star, our police from their motor 
trucks had spread the paper broadcast over the city, 
and within fifteen minutes after the first paper 


was given away, 250 Elks came in a body to my 
office, offering their support and assistance. Liter- 
ally thousands of Seattle citizens of all walks of life 
hurried to the City Hall and offered their services. 
Thomas F. Murphine, my friend and appointee as 
Superintendent of Public Utilities, ran the first muni- 
cipal street car through the public streets, unguarded 
and unafraid. 

I gave orders to shoot on sight any lawbreaker at- 
tempting to create a riot, and Joel Warren, chief of 
police, a dead shot and a true man, stood ready with 
fifteen hundred men under him to quell disorder. We 
used no soldiers for any purpose, either as guards or 
policemen, although fifteen hundred stood ready to 
help. No martial law was declared. The American 
spirit of our people burst into flame and the bol- 
sheviki, the I. W. W.*s, the internationalists, the trai- 
tors — all of them cowards — crowded the railway 
stations and wharves to make their escape. Seattle 
stood four square and loyal, and in my judgment, 
its citizenship and its love of country prevented 
the spread of the Hell-inspired doctrines of Lenin and 

The Traction Company officials came to my bedside 
(I was quite ill) and asked if I wished them to run their 
cars. I not only told them I wished their cars to be 
run, but demanded that they commence operation at 
once. They were willing, and Superintendent G. A. 
Richardson of the Puget Sound Traction, Light, and 
Power Co., took out the company's first car, and 
clanging the bell, ran up and down Second Avenue. 


The operation of the street cars was the finish of the 
strike, and despite the frenzied orders of the Bolshevist 
chiefs, the workers everywhere returned to their work. 
Thf strike was over. The attempted revolution was a 
failure and yet, the men who led this Bolshevist up- 
rising are free men to-day. It is true a few lodging- 
house I. W. W.'s were arrested and charged with "crim- 
inal anarchy" under the state law, but the leaders have 
never been arrested and have never been prosecuted by 
any one. 

At this writing James Duncan is still secretary of the 
Central Labour Council, advocating the "one big union'* 
to provide the mass organization to overthrow our 
Government, and on September fourteenth President 
Wilson received him as a representative of Labour at the 
Washington Hotel in Seattle. 

Hulet M. Wells and Sam Sadler are in prison, serving 
sentences imposed upon them long before the Seattle 
strike occurred. Strong efforts are being made — as 
I write — to persuade President Wilson to open the 
doors of the penitentiary for them. If Wells and 
Sadler and men of their stripe are released, the efforts 
of law-enforcing officials will be laughed at in this 
country. If they should be freed, then every criminal 
in every jail and penitentiary in the land should also 
walk out free. There are excuses and reasons for 
men committing breaches of the law against one an- 
other, but there can be no excuse, no palliation, for the 
men who, during our time of trouble, when our boys 
were fighting in the trenches across the seas, strove to 
hamper and destroy the Government of our country — 


activities which if successful meant not only chaos at 
home, but defeat, imprisonment, suffering, and death 
for the boys across the water. 

Leon Green, Russian alien bolshevist (right name 
Leon Butowsky) has never been even arrested, although 
he openly advocated forcible overthrow of our Govern- 
ment. The city government can prosecute men only 
on minor charges, such as disorderly conduct, etc., but 
it does seem as if the National Government could find, 
arrest, and punish men like him. 

While the others trimmed and misrepresented their 
objects in the general strike, Leon Green told the 
truth, and gloried in the telling. He was for force and 
said it should be used. He cared not for suffering, and 
said so. He was perfectly willing that the folks in 
hospitals should die from want of heat, food, medical 
attendance, nursing, etc. He wanted the city in 
darkness, and said so. Other cowards who worked with 
him talked all these things in private, but camouflaged 
in public. Leon was bom in Russia, hated our Gov- 
ernment, and expected and helped plan its overthrow. 
He left Seattle and escaped. Nothing more has been 
heard of him. The authorities cannot find him. Well, 
I will tell them where he is and what he is doing. He 
is business agent of two different retail clerks' unions 
in Chicago. He hands out his cards every day of the 
month. He walks the streets unmolested and una- 
fraid. He is still working to overthrow our Govern- 

Here is a copy of his card, with his address and tele- 
phone number: 


Res. Phone Wellington 6373 


166 West Washington Street 
704 Federation Building 


Retail Clerks* Union No. 19s 
Retail Cigar Clerics' Union No. 411 

Of course I am telling this in confidence. I trust 
no one will inform the hard-searching sleuths where 
he can be found. 

E. B. Ault is still editor of the Union Record and still 
attacks the United States Government, decent men (and 
their families) nightly. The Central Labour Council 
of Seattle still functions as a bolshevist organization. 
When the vote was taken as to whether or not to strike 
on the Fourth of July (the Mooney tie-up) the vote stood 
76 for and 67 against. The reason it was lost was not 
because of a desire to abandon the I. W. W. propaganda, 
but because the shipyard owners of Seattle let it be 
known that if the strike vote was successful their yards 
would close and not reopen for several months. 

Every Wednesday night anarchy, sabotage, and dis- 
loyalty are openly preached in the Labour Temple in 
Seattle, while the preaching and teaching of anarchy, 
syndicalism, sabotage, and bolshevism is being carried 
on throughout the nation, and hundreds of tons of 
bolshevist propaganda continue to be distributed. I 
go to our book-stores and the shelves groan with hun- 
dreds of pamphlets denouncing our Government and 


praising the Soviet Government of Russia. I pick up a 
Social Service Bulletin published in New York City 
(Grace Scribner, editor) and find the leading contribu- 
tor on the Seattle strike to be an I. W. W. organizer 
of Local 500. On the back page I find a list of numerous 
bolshevik publications, with the addresses where they 
can be secured. Touring the country from one end 
to the other are prominent camouflaged traitors who 
describe in glowing terms the wonderful government 
of soviet Russia, while the loyal people of the United 
States sit idly by and allow the opponents of our Gov- 
ernment to use the printed word to destroy our Govern- 
ment and do not furnish truthful literature to combat 

The working men of Seattle were imposed upon by 
their bolshevist leaders. There were on strike about 
65,000 union men and approximately 75,000 men and 
women who were unorganized. The loss to the work- 
ers in wages alone amounted to $3,735,000, but the loss 
to the cause of Labour cannot be measured in dollars 
and cents. 

Capital has been charged, and is ofttimes guilty, of 
exploiting Labour, but in Seattle the I. W. W. leaders 
of Labour have exploited it for revolutionary ends 
and held back the progress of those who toil. Thus 
has it ever been. Whenever Labour listens to the 
teachers of anarchy, whenever it obeys the commands 
of the revolutionaries, it receives a serious setback. 
Not one International president in the United States 
approved the general strike. Every agreement made 
by Labour was treated as a scrap of paper, torn up and 


thrown aside, and if it had not been for the calling of a 
great meeting of employers at the Chamber of Com- 
merce, immediately after the strike, at which I and 
others pleaded with the employers to make no reprisals, 
every labour organization in the city of Seattle would 
have been destroyed. 

So disastrous was the effect upon the minds of the 
people of this community that when three decent, 
fairly conservative labour men became candidates for 
the City Council on March 15, 1919, and were opposed 
by three men who had supported the cause of law and 
order — they were overwhelmingly defeated, polling 
only a scant 20,000 votes in a city of 400,000, where 
both men and women vote, and where organized Labour 
has a membership of more than 60,000. 

The attempted revolution is over; the general strike 
and its results are history, but the battle between 
the decent forces of Labour and the one big union — 
/. fF. W. element — has only just begun. That fight must 
be settled. Either the conservative, constructive forces 
of Labour must so conduct its affairs that all fair-minded 
men will respect it; or the forces of revolution will 
take charge and lead it — God knows where. 



In ORDER to understand that which is, it is necessary 
to know what has been. The story of a human being 
does not begin at the age of twenty-one, but when the 
first pulse of Hfe feebly throbs in the infant body, 
months before birth, and never ends until the last 
feeble gasp. To understand the man of twenty-five 
it is sometimes very helpful to know the environment of 
his childhood; to know something of his early struggles 
and disappointments and his early teachings. 

In order really to interpret and sense bolshevism, 
one must start at its beginning and trace its evolution 
and development through the years of its existence. 
Great movements do not come into being without a 
cause, without leaders, without conscious effort. They 
don't just happen. Never since the mule driver Mo- 
hammed inaugurated his religion has any belief been 
so thoroughly embedded in the minds of hundreds of 
thousands as bolshevism is to-day. It has taken pos- 
session of Russia, overthrown the wishes of the vast 
majority of its people, laid desolate its countryside, 
depopulated its cities, murdered its opponents, starved 
unnumbered innocents, and yet to-day, as I write, it is 



in undisputed possession of a large portion of the earth's 
surface. It has invaded Germany, estabHshed itself 
in Hungary, caused riots in Italy, France, and several 
other countries in Europe; has crossed the sea and in- 
vaded our northern neighbour, Canada, and made a 
sinister attempt at revolution in our own land. It is 
apparently as fluid as quicksilver, as cosmopolitan 
as a Jew, is indigenous to no country or cHme, and its 
rise has been as rapid as its effect has been destructive. 

How did it start? Who conceived the idea? What 
was its cause ? What has been its history ? 

In Torschok, Russia, in the year 1814, Michael 
Bakounin was bom. Of noble parentage, he was edu- 
cated for the military service and became an officer 
of artillery before his majority. While stationed in 
Poland, he became disgusted with Russian militarism, 
the Russian Government, and its oppression of the poor. 
He threw up his commission and studied philosophy at 
St. Petersburg and Berlin. He became a great student 
of Hegel and Schopenhauer. Hegel was a strong be- 
liever in Napoleon, calling him "the universal genius"; 
Schopenhauer was the prize misanthrope of the ages 
who held pleasure as merely the absence of pain, be- 
lieved in nothing or no one, looked on the dark side of 
every shield, and preached universal unhappiness as a 
duty. Fit teachers for the father of anarchistic com- 
munism, which, as we shall see, developed later into 
revolutionary syndicalism. A disappointed princeling, 
not a proletarian, mind you, thought of it first. 

In Berlin his time was spent in the revolutionary 
circles and he came under their influence. From Ar- 


nold Ruge, who led an insurrection in Dresden in 1848, 
he imbibed the doctrines of communism, advocating 
the return to that primal society which was first estab- 
lished on earth and known as the Commune. 

The Commune is society's primary organic cell. It is a political 
body which regulates all the local interests of its inhabitants. The 
Commune is derived from the French word ''Cotnun," meaning: 
"the common people," says the Dictionary of Vital Economy, edited 
by Inglis Palgrave.* 

It would indeed be difficult to define the more modern 
soviet in other terms than those used in defining the 
Commune. They are one and the same. 

Prince Bakounin, after becoming thoroughly impreg- 
nated with the principles of the return to the first 
primitive society, advanced one stage further which led 
him to embrace anarchy itself. 

Proudhun at that time was the dominating intellec- 
tual figure of anarchy and revolution in France, and 
from Proudhun the princeling absorbed the principles 
of anarchy; but so strongly had communism been 
impressed upon him that he forebore to throw it entirely 
overboard. He united the two into a kind of a no-law- 
much-law combination, the hybrid product resulting 
in what is known as anarchistic communism. 

Ruge, from whom Bakounin imbibed his communism, 
wanted to return to the first organized society. Proud- 
hun, on the other hand, went one step further back in 
the realm of history, and his idea, stripped to the skele- 
ton, was the return to the first condition of man which 

*VoI. I, p. 360. 


was, of course, the unrestrained, unruled, undeveloped 
anarchy of the first man, before society had any or- 
ganization whatever. He said: "Government of man 
in every form is oppression. The highest perfection of 
society is found in the union of order and anarchy." 
Of course this is a paradoxical, impossible situation. 
If you have organized society, you have no anarchy. In 
fact, if you have order, a government must be in con- 
trol to maintain it; but a Httle truth such as this never 
bothered Proudhun or Bakounin or any of their follow- 
ers from that day to this. 

Bakounin, after a career which inflamed large portions 
of Europe, took part in the great Dresden Insurrection 
of 1848. He was arrested and condemned to death, but 
was later returned to the Russian authorities and ban- 
ished to Siberia. He escaped from Siberia through 
Japan, came to the United States, and in 1861 returned 
to London to preach his theory of revolution. As he 
grew older he became more demented, if such a thing 
could be, and supported every propaganda of revolution 
in every country he visited. 

He fought Marx and his theories to a standstill, 
causing Marx to call the International Congress at The 
Hague in order to prevent Bakounin from attending, 
as he was subject to arrest and imprisonment in all 
countries of Europe except Switzerland. The doc- 
trines of Marx were triumphant at this congress. 
Communistic anarchy met its defeat, although the doc- 
trines of Marx and Bakounin were more or less of the 
same bolt of cloth, both believing in communism. As a 
matter of fact, communism was the early name for 


socialism. The ends sought were practically identical, 
but there was a difference in the methods. 

The General Council was then transferred to our own 
land (New York City), and in a short time met a pain- 
less and unregretted death. Bakounin, however, re- 
fused to accept his defeat at the hands of the Marxists 
and called another international congress in Switzerland 
which also met with failure. 

The communistic anarchists believed in the destruc- 
tion of the state absolutely and completely — they 
wanted no government except the government of the 
shop. Marx wanted, by political action, to take 
possession of the machinery of the state and use the 
state to inaugurate a socialistic regime. Just what 
that regime was to be has ever been a nebulous, very 
much unknown and very much disagreed upon matter. 
Each socialist from that day to this has builded his own 
ideas of the manner in which socialism was to be con- 
ducted, very much as the peoples of the world have 
built their own Heaven in the future world: the Es- 
quimaux believing it to be a place of warmth with plenty 
of whale oil to drink; the Indian picturing it as the 
happy hunting giounds; the Mohammedan as a place 
of wonderful houris and thousands of slaves. Most 
people, however, agree upon it being a place where there 
is but little to do and eternity to do it in. 

It may well be said that while there was a difference 
in the rules of the game then as now, it was the same 
old game of taking away what belonged to someone 
else, without compensation, for the benefit of either 
individuals or groups of individuals who possessed 


nothing and wanted something. This fundamental 
exists in the teachings of all the isms and runs like a red 
thread through the statements of the aims of most of 
them. Apparently they make the great mistake, un- 
consciously, of believing that the wealth of the world 
is a certain, definite, existing entity requiring only a new 
distribution to cure the ills of man. Of course, the 
wealth of the world is an ever-changing, constantly 
renewing thing; brought into being by the application 
of human labour and thought to the raw resources of 
the earth. In no other way was wealth ever produced 
and in no other way can it ever be created. How- 
ever, we digress; let us get back to Bakounin and 
Proudhun and France, where the new thought was re- 
ceiving its first trial in the actual affairs of life. 

It may well be said that the methods used to bring 
about anarchistic communism, or syndicalism, were not 
the brain-child of any one man, nor were they worked 
out in the libraries of economic schools. The applica- 
tion of the nearest at hand and most agitated proced- 
ure for the meeting of economic conditions at a par- 
ticular time and particular place was always used. 
Syndicalism has the background of experience and its 
success or failure has long ceased to be a matter of ex- 
periment. It has been tried repeatedly and has failed 
ingloriously, even after securing the complete over- 
throw of existing governments; and, as we will see later, 
its successful coup in Russia gives additional proof to 
the world that it will not work and cannot work. Hu- 
man nature in its most vital depths cannot be changed 
by a proclamation or a speech. Syndicalism is to-day 


the most stupendous failure in government of all 

Proudhun was a college-bred young man and became 
one of the great characters of his time. His philosophy 
was taken from Hegel and Adam Smith. He believed 
in a redistribution of wealth and one of the first meas- 
ures he introduced in the Assembly of the Seine, to 
which he was elected in 1848, was a measure whereby 
one third of the rent, interest, and profit was to be taken 
away from its possessors. This was rejected by the 
Assembly. One good thing, however, may be said of 
this anarchist and that is, he was free from any feelings 
of personal hate and did not teach the doctrine of per- 
sonal hatred against the fortunate possessors of wealth. 

Proudhun became the leader of those who would in- 
novate and change the existing order of things. The 
question before France was its rehabilitation. Social- 
ism had been advocated in France theretofore, but re- 
ceived its greatest impetus at that time. "Civil liberty 
for all" became the battle-cry. The absence of civil lib- 
erty was pointed out by all radicals and a return to the 
conditions of prehistoric man and his full liberties was 
advocated. Rousseau, long before, had urged full po- 
Utical liberty for all mankind on the theory that each 
man being a part of the community should have his say 
as to the conduct of that community. 

In passing, it may be recalled that in our own country 
at that time (1848) slavery reigned triumphant over 
the most fertile, settled part of the Union and there 
were comparatively few men who advocated complete 
and immediate abolition of that evil. 


In France this doctrine of equality gained adherents 
rapidly because mis government caused discontent and 
because all men in all times have dreamed and desired 
equality and freedom. Of course, the dreams of reform 
left unsatisfied led to the advocacy of insurrection. 
The hurry-up, get-it-over-quick zealots brought on 
chaos instead of a constructive policy. The revolt was 
openly preached; the repressive and neglectful govern- 
ment added oil to the fires, and the reign of Louis Phi- 
lippe brought weakness and do-nothingness. Con- 
tempt instead of allegiance was stimulated. The rot- 
ting out of the old institutions of State and Church 
brought widespread distrust and rebellion. Some 
other form of government was needed. The result 
was that the one most exploited was adopted. French- 
men of that age said: "Nothing can be worse than what 
we have. Let us try." Other nations cleaned out 
and cleaned up, but the rulers of France slept on, lack- 
ing the vision and courage to change the existing order 
to meet the views of the moderately liberal who are 
always in the majority in every land. 

At this time industry in France and the other 
Latin countries of Europe was in the primary state of 
organization — in England and the United States it 
was very much farther advanced. It may be said that 
industrialism in France in 1840 occupied about the 
same plane of development as that of Russia in 1917. 
It was inchoate, unformed, undeveloped. The main 
industries were conducted in small shops; five or 
ten or twenty workmen under one master. This dis- 
connection undoubtedly gave form to the "one shop, one 


vote" rule, which then, as now, was the teaching of the 
syndicaHst. The absolute futility of political effort 
was preached on every corner and in every pamphlet. 
The overthrow of the government was openly advo- 
cated. Strike after strike was inaugurated, finally 
culminating in 1848 in a general strike and the over- 
turning of the government. Under the new socialistic 
regime happiness, contentment, and prosperity had 
been promised and the people, believing the promises, 
had acted accordingly. 

Just as soon as the new government took charge the 
people demanded of the government the right to work. 
The government immediately instituted great systems 
of public workshops to provide employment and pro- 
duce something. Thrifty men and women with songs 
on their lips and joy in their hearts went to work, be- 
lieving that the millennium had come. The lazy, the 
loafer, the agitator, did not go to work but immediately 
began another agitation that unemployment insurance 
should be furnished them. Thirty sous per day was to 
be the pension for doing nothing — forty sous the reward 
for work. 

The unemployed increased miraculously overnight. 
The thrifty and industrious then saw that they were 
supporting the no-goods and do-nothings and they 
finally declared that as those who do not work receive 
thirty sous a day and we who work receive but forty 
sous a day, we will do only ten sous' worth of work a 
day, the difference between idleness and effort! 

People became discontented and hungry because 
production was restricted and men looked upon the 


government as a sort of perpetual and self-perpetuating 
Christmas tree, which had only to be shaken to bring 
presents sufficient for the maintenance of all. They 
forgot, as apparently do many of our later-day social 
evangelists, that the government is a pauper and only 
maintains itself on what you and I furnish it. When 
our contributions cease, government must cease. The 
places where the coin was distributed became the 
centres of enormous mobs of unemployed. People 
fought for places in the ever-lengthening lines of pen- 

Then the development of land projects was decided 
upon, but still production decreased and the unem- 
ployed increased ! Want, hunger, and suffering became 
universal until finally the very crowds which had de- 
manded revolution forced their way into the Assembly 
Chamber, declared the socialistic scheme a complete 
and ignominious failure, and demanded its cessation! 
The leaders who brought about the experiment were 
the loudest in denouncing its failure. 

The new government did as requested, acceded to 
the people's demands, reduced and finally suppressed the 
public works, declaring that they demoralized the people 
and were a complete failure. The decision brought on 
a bloody insurrection which was suppressed only after 
several days of street fighting. The leaders of the re- 
volt, in order to save themselves from their infuriated 
followers, escaped to foreign lands, there to prepare 
their alibis and excuses. The cause of honest labour 
received a setback from which it did not recover for a 
quarter of a century. 


Louis Napoleon was then inaugurated President of 
the Republic, and in order to save France from starva- 
tion, used the credit of the country and embarked upon 
gigantic schemes of public works which rebuilt a large 
portion of Paris and provided employment for many 
who otherwise would have died from starvation. Thus 
ended, in complete and disastrous failure, the first great 
experiment in creating wealth by law instead of by work. 

The stark truth stands out in all history that every 
class which has emancipated itself did so by evolution 
and not by revolution. The memory of failure, however, 
usually lasts but a few short years; another generation 
and the same old Utopian dreams of bygone days are re- 
juvenated under different leaders and different names 
and the futile struggle is continued. 

People do learn from experience, but only from their 
own experience. Seldom are the experiences of others 
in other days accepted as a guide. There are so many 
explainers who point out in detail the causes of failure, 
leaving out the fundamental truth, that the thing itself 
was wrong to start with. 

** Syndicalism aims at the federation of workers in all 
trades into an effective body for the purpose of en- 
forcing the demands of Labour by means of sympathetic 
strikes," says the New Standard Dictionary. The 
substitution of "direct action" in place of "sympathetic 
strikes" makes the definition more comprehensive. 

A. D. Lewis defines syndicalism, in "Syndicalism and 
the General Strike," as "aiming at replacing an eco- 
nomic hierarchy by a system in which different kinds of 
work are regarded as being of one value, and where 


there is brotherhood instead of mastery and subservi- 
ence. It recommends immediate aggression without 
carefully planning what is to be done after the victory is 

SyndicaHsm is the doctrine of direct action, princi- 
pally through sabotage and the general strike, inaugu- 
rated for the purpose of abolishing private rights, private 
property, and all government and taking over control 
of all things by the minority. It stands for a vote for 
each industry instead of a vote for each human being. 
It makes the shop or syndicate the local unit of govern- 
ment and a combination of the shops the general gov- 
erning body. 

Syndicat in French simply means "a labour union." 
In '.ts final analysis, syndicalism is a government of the 
trades unions, no one else having any voice in the gov- 
ernment. It is essentially a rule of the minority, as 
well as a revolutionary organization advocating class 
war. It teaches sabotage and destruction of our pres- 
ent system by force, recognizing no act as wrong so 
long as it injures some one or some thing and hampers 
existing institutions. It repudiates the State, God, and 
good; despises and abstains from political action; de- 
sires by force to overthrow existing governments, but 
has no agreed-upon plan for conducting government 
after its overthrow. It is more or less a return to the 
no-government plan of the first man on earth; lack of 
compulsion or lack of government being widely 
preached. It always becomes popular when an agi- 
tating minority, desiring to possess the fruits of the 
efforts of the majority, find it impossible to secure con- 


trol politically. Still desirous of possession, they try 
to gain it by direct action, force, sabotage, and the 
general strike is used to overthrow the government which 
protects private rights and enforces order. 

All men intrusted with the maintenance of order, the 
police, the army, the navy, the executive officials of 
city, state, and nation, are considered by syndicalists 
as the arch enemies of progress. They are hated, lied 
about, and, if possible, destroyed. All syndicalists 
are against preparedness and armed forces, because 
their doctrine of forcible overthrow always fails when 
met with a greater force. They would disarm the world 
and aboUsh authority and all means of self-defence 
in order to bring about a successful revolution. They 
would weaken the majority to such an extent that 
their minority can prevail. All moral law is called 
bourgeois morality and is to be ridiculed and disobeyed. 
Instead the moral fibre of mankind must be destroyed. 
Religion and its teachings must fall and a code of scoun- 
drelism take its place. Open denunciation of the mar- 
riage relation is one of the essentials, while free love is 
almost universally advocated, and, where opportunity 
offers, practised. 

As we know, the only way a minority can rule is by 
the disfranchisement and repression of the majority; 
by the establishment of an autocratic rule supported 
by an army; by the repression or destruction of the 
unarmed and unready population. Such a rule was 
the government of the Romanoffs of Russia. It lasted 
a long time. Such a government has since been estab- 
lished out of the embers of the Russian Revolution by 


Lenin and Trotsky. Its length of rule depends upon 
the size and morale of its army, temporarily; on starva- 
tion and want, primarily. 

As we have seen, the methods of production insti- 
tuted by the workers in France in the form of govern- 
ment workshops, etc., met with complete failure. 
Ism authors place the responsibility for failure — "ist, 
upon the ignorance of the masses; 2nd, upon the selfish- 
ness of individuals; 3rd, upon the lack of capital and 
credit.'* I quote this from Levine, the socialist author 
who wrote "French Syndicalism." Strange that capi- 
tal and credit, the bane of the revolutionary ism-ist, 
should have been found at all essential! Strange that 
human selfishness and mass ignorance could not be 
abolished by ukase! 

Upon the complete breakdown of syndicalism in 
1848, the workmen of France and England and Ger- 
many turned to internationalism as an escape from fail- 
ure nationally. "We failed," they argued, "because other 
countries were not doing what we were doing, but were 
proceeding under the old system. We could not exist 
alone. We must establish internationalism in all gov- 
ernment and industry." Can it be that the Russian 
bolshevist agitates in every country for the same 
reason ? 

The revolutionist argues: "We must place the work- 
ers of every country on an equality; one must receive as 
much as the other in order that there be no advantage 
between brothers." Of course, they never advertise 
the fact that costs of living in different countries might 
make the wage smaller or larger, although the money 


unit be the same, nor apparently do they take into con- 
sideration the fact that a country rich in natural re- 
sources and favoured by cUmate and transportation 
facilities might produce a great deal more with a great 
deal less labour. These things they may know, but 
they never talk about them in pubHc; it would hurt 
their argument. 

The International was formed in 1864, Karl Marx 
becoming its first great leader. It was composed of 
French syndicalists, German socialists, and English 
trade unionists. It had no common programme, but 
its members were united in discontent over existing 
conditions. Karl Marx, sociaHst, and Prince Bakounin 
communistic-anarchist, or syndicalist, led two op- 
posing factions; Marx advocating the capture of 
government by orderly political methods, the prince de- 
manding its violent overthrow. United as to the ne- 
cessity and righteousness of stealing, but divided as to 
the methods of theft ! 

The first International advocated direct action, say- 
ing it might assume various forms, such as strike, boy- 
cott, union label, and sabotage. They preached the 
strike, not only as a means to better conditions, but for 
the purpose of harming the employing class and creating 
and fomenting discontent and class hatred among the 
workers. The boycott also was advocated as an effec- 
tive method of forcing employers to terms. Sabotage 
consists in obstructing in all possible ways the regular 
process of production to the disadvantage of the 
employer. It includes destruction of property, in- 
timidation of employers, employees, and the pubUc, 


wasting materials, etc. It really has the same meaning 
as the well-known Scotch word "Ca'cannie." 

To strike and then strike again seemed to be the 
main plan then as now. The great strike was to be 
the last strike and was to bring about revolution and 
overthrow government. What else the success of the 
general strike would bring about was left to each one's 
individual fancy and the whims of inexperienced and 
unable dictators. 

The development of revolutionary syndicalism appar- 
ently was the kind of movement suited to the French 
temperament, which, as Weill points out in his "His- 
tory of the Social Movement of France," "is far more 
capable of a single great effort than of continuous and 
plodding toil." The Latin races usually reject with 
scorn small but constant progress, preferring the ca- 
tastrophic, far-off, soap-bubble-hued achievements. 

The fact that industrialism had been far more back- 
ward in the Latin countries than in England and the 
United States also encouraged the idea of government 
by shops; there being thousands of little establishments 
with a master in charge while in more advanced indus- 
trial countries thousands worked in one factory. 

Levine in his book on "Syndicalism in France" 
states : 

The French syndicalists recognize that they lack method, per- 
sistence, and foresight, although they are sensitive, impulsive, and 
combative. Many syndicais are loosely held together and are easily 
dissolved. They are composed of a more or less variable and shift- 
ing membership. A disorganized syndicat generally leaves behind a 
handful of militant working men, determined to keep up the syn- 
dicalist movement. This necessarily brings the syndicats into con- 


flict with the State. The result is a feeling of bitterness among the 
working men toward the army, the police, and the Government 
in general. The ground is thus prepared for anti-militaristic, anti- 
state, and anti-patriotic ideas. 

In England the situation was different. Prior to the 
industrial revolution in England, the craft unions were 
very strong and numerous. Continuous development 
took place but it was very slow, the workers forming 
trade unions which were simply combinations of the 
working men of one particular trade. This particular 
method of collective bargaining held its own for many 
years and the development was along those lines in- 
stead of along the lines of syndicalism. All members of 
the unions were skilled workers and it was not until 
machinery made possible the employment of unskilled, 
untrained men that the lower strata of labour joined 
labour organizations. This became essential as any 
man could supplant a trained worker with a few days* 
experience. The trades unions developed into a trades 
union which became a national organization. The 
builders and weavers pioneered this amalgamation. 



In a small town in Wales in 1771 Robert Owen was 
born. He was put to work when but ten years old and 
before he was twenty was the manager of a large 
cotton mill. The memory of his early struggles, how- 
ever, remained with him. A self-made man, he never 
forgot his origin. He never said, as so many self-made 
men do: "I succeeded, I broke through the crust. 
Why cannot all men do likewise ? " Robert Owen realized 
that the great success he had made was the exception and 
not the rule and his life was spent in an effort, usually 
fruitless, to better the conditions of the class of men 
and women from which he sprang. 

Surrounding his establishment (where one of the first 
spinning machines invented by Arkright was installed), 
he built pleasure resorts for the purpose of discouraging 
drunkenness and furnishing the workmen places to 
play and to learn. At that day and age he made the 
fight, not against "child labour," but against infant 
labour. Men, women, and children were worse off in 
many instances than chattel slaves and lived amidst 
surroundings of filth, ignorance, drunkenness, and im- 
moralit^^ He instituted lectures in order to teach the 



people, few of whom could read, the laws of health 
and decent conduct. He did more. He stopped the 
employment of very young children. The homes 
of the people were wonderfully improved; provisions 
were supplied at cost to the workers; schools were 
started and he also inaugurated old-age pensions and sick 

In 1826 Sir Robert Owen brought communism to the 
United States and established a colony at New Har- 
mony, Indiana. This colony was situated on 30,000 
acres of land which had previously been somewhat de- 
veloped by a German colony who sold their entire 
holdings to Owen. Three thousand acres were already 
under cultivation, besides a vineyard, several orchards, 
and many other improvements. There was a total of 
27,000 acres of good, rich, undeveloped land to fall 
back on. The village streets were already laid out and 
there was a great public square surrounded by large 
brick buildings, owned by the community. The aim 
of Owen and his followers was to establish a community 
where property was held in common. All were to share 
in the common labour and all were to receive a liberal 
education and have every opportunity for the fullest 
pursuit of knowledge. The qualifications essential 
for membership were honesty of purpose, temperance, 
industry, and cleanliness. 

Surely this colony, situated on some of the richest 
land in the world, had every chance to work out com- 
munism if it could be worked out. What happened,? 
Just what always has happened. Some worked and 
delved while others loafed and did nothing but strive 


to place the burden of their support upon Owen and the 
workers ! 

Owen thought that the colonists were not quite ready 
for a full experiment, so asked that a constitution be 
adopted and for three years a near form of communism 
was to be tried. This was agreed upon. The manage- 
ment was to be a council (soviet) under the absolute 
control of the colonists. 

Experience soon proved that things could not be run 
in that manner and the members unanimously requested 
that Owen be made sole manager. Then were inaugurated 
the only prosperous times the colony ever enjoyed. He 
made the idlers go to work and, for a time, all was a new 

Within a few months, however, disturbances arose; 
there was a continual dispute about work and about 
land, with the result that on March 30, 1826, the land 
was divided into four parts and four associations tried 
to do the work that one had failed to do. They tried 
to trade between themselves with a paper currency, 
but in one year Sir Robert saw his idealistic community 
resolve itself into a wrangling, quarrelling, disorganized 
mob. Human nature, ever present, demanded individ- 
ual reward for effort; the lazy wanted rest and their 
needs supplied without toil. The same work day did 
not suit either the industrious or the shiftless. It was 
found impossible to make men into a common mold 
either by law or agreement. There was individualism, 
the fruit of the ages, in every man and woman — hence 
the failure ! Despite this failure at New Harmony, 
dozens of other experiments were tried in the effort to 


equalize men by law. Henry Ford says: "History is 
bunk." The communists evidently think so, too. 

Verily there is nothing new under the sun. Styles 
come in and styles go out. Fifteen years ago Theodore 
Roosevelt visited Seattle and I bought my first silk hat. 
When I was elected mayor, I bought another in order 
to be truly de rigeur. I happened to find the old hat, 
and, much to my surprise, was unable to tell one from 
the other. The style had gone out and then come back 
again. This apparently is as true in social reform as 
it was with my hat. 

In 1832 Sir Robert Peel made a strenuous fight 
against one of the grossest evils of the day. The ap- 
prentices in the cotton mills, according to early English 
descriptions, were kept in a miserable condition. By 
his effort the first statute in English law in favour of the 
workers was enacted. All laws theretofore had length- 
ened hours, made conditions worse instead of better, and 
invariably had been enacted to favour the employers. 
Pauper children had been disposed of by the parishes 
(poor houses) to the employers under the name of 
"apprentices"; but while they were supposed to be 
learning a trade, they were really slaves. These |K)or 
little children of a century ago were compelled not only 
to work, but to overwork, as the overseer's pay was 
based on what the children did. They were flogged, 
placed in irons, and even tortured in order to coin the 
blood and bones of their frail, emaciated bodies into 
dirty profits. The Peel Law prohibited the binding 
out as apprentices of children under nine years of age 
and restricted the hours of labour to twelve hours per day; 


forbade night toil, and prescribed religious teaching and 
an elementary education. A wonderful age to live in 
where such a ifaw could excite such condemnation and 
such unstinted praise! 

Sir Robert Owen and Sir Robert Peel united their 
forces and met the arguments of the child murderers who 
solemnly said it was wrong to forbid the little toilers 
to work longer than twelve hours as they would starve 
unless allowed their freedom to toil. They also said : "The 
children will learn bad habits and get into bad com- 
pany and grow up shiftless if such laws are passed." 
One cannot but note the similarity of their arguments 
to those used to-day to "protect" child labour in our 
own country. One writer said: "This law encourages 
vice and idleness." It took a quarter of a century of 
hard work to shorten the hours of labour to sixty-nine 
per week, and this law applied to cotton mills only. 

In 1833 the well-known Factory Act was passed. 
While the press and pulpits resounded with denuncia- 
tion of slavery in the West Indies and demanded its 
destruction, the same powers protected the factory 
owner although the poet Southey declared that "the 
slave trade is divine mercy compared to our factory 

However, Lord Ashley, afterward the Earl of Shaftes- 
bury, took the leadership in this humanitarian move- 
ment and although despised by his class, fought it to a 
successful finish, so that no child under nine years of 
age could be employed except in a silk mill, where two 
hours' schooling a day was made compulsory and night 
work for any one under eighteen was prohibited. After 


many years of agitation, the employment of women 
and of boys under the age of ten, in underground mines, 
was prohibited! 

Apparently every improvement in the working con- 
ditions of mankind has been criminally slow and always 
a matter of compromise and only successful when de- 
manded by practically the whole population. Some 
day, somewhere, perhaps, employers such as those who 
fought these reforms will realize the reason why so 
many working people have transferred the hatred they 
first felt toward the machines to the employers. 

England was the first country where industrialism 
took a real foothold. England had a great deal of idle 
capital, thousands of idle men and women, and above 
all, she led the world in inventive genius. 

Arkright invented the water frame which made it 
possible to spin other threads than linen, his invention 
Imparting a strength and solidity to the thread. 

Hargreaves invented the spinning jenny and Key the 
flying shuttle. In 1792 our own EH Whitney invented 
the cotton gin which revolutionized the cotton-growing 
industry and made possible an unHmited supply of 
cotton. Without his invention slavery would have 
been abolished as an economic waste. Cartwright 
developed the process whereby falling water would run 
the looms, and Watt perfected his steam engine to a 
point where it could be used for power in the mills. 
It drove spindles, ran spinning machines, etc. 

Theretofore the workers had worked in their own 
homes and Spun and woven by hand. The invention of 
machinery necessitated a general factory and because 


of the above-mentioned inventions and many others, the 
factory system was estabhshed. Of course, there had 
been some factories before, but it was not until this 
period of development that the factory system came 
into existence. 

The factory system changed industry from hand work 
to machine work and for many weary years the battle 
was carried on between the workers and the machines. 
Mills were burned down and riots, disturbances, and 
bloody street battles took place everywhere. The fac- 
tory system, however, never wholly replaced the hand 
workers. In Birmingham, for instance, small cutlery 
is still made in the homes. 

It may well be said that the first organization of labour 
was by the " boss" himself, in giving each worker certain 
definite duties to perform which dovetailed one into an- 
other. This method taught the workers the power of 
organization, their dependence on one another, and as 
they met and worked and talked and argued, they 
finally evolved the idea that they must have a real 
organization in order to secure their rights, and in 
order to keep their wages from falling as the inaugura- 
tion of the machine made every idle man with but a 
little training capable of taking their positions. After 
the trade unions were supplanted by the Trades Union, 
aggressive and active leaders taught syndicalism, brought 
about a consolidation of the workers, and frightened 
the middle class until finally the Government indicted 
the trades unionists for illegal combinations when they 
notified their employers of a strike. Strike after strike 
occurred and they were uniformly unsuccessful, so that 




by 1834 the Trades Union was gradually losing member-; 
ship and prestige. The workers then reestablished the 
trade or craft unions. 

In "History of Trade Unionism," by Sidney and; 
Beatrice Webb, the following comment on the rise and? 
fall of syndicalism in England is found : 

The records of the rise and fall of the "new unionism" of 1830-' 
1834 leave us conscious of a vast enlargement in the ideas of the^ 
workers, without any corresponding alteration in their tactics in 
the field. In council they are idealists, dreaming of a new heaven 
and a new earth, humanitarians, educationalists, socialists, moral- 
ists; in battle they are still struggling, half-emancipated serfs of 
1825, armed only with the rude weapons of the strike and the boy- 
cott; sometimes feared and hated by the propertied class; sometimes 
merely despised; always oppressed and miserably poor. 

Germany was the most backward of the three great 
European countries so far as industrialism was con- 
cerned. England was becoming industrialized rapidly; 
her factories ran day and night; the establishment of 
the Bank of England gave her credit, while her ships 
carried her goods to every part of the world. She con- 
trolled the world markets. 

France, to a smaller degree, was becoming industrial- 
ized, but Germany, backward, agrarian country with 
an innate attachment to the soil, with a people opposed 
to change and having very few markets for her goods, 
lagged far behind. For a score of years Germany was 
even behind France in the adoption of machinery and 
the factory system. 

Marxism had now become the Bible of many Ger- 
mans. He and Lasalle advocated taking control of 


government and the socializing of all property and all 
industry. Political methods were the most popular 
means taught, although there were at times sharp di- 
vergences in the preachings of Marx himself. 

The continued agitation of syndicalism resulted in the 
declaration of the Commune of Paris in 1871. For the 
third time Paris was placed under the rule of the 
Commune. Probably because of this Paris has no 
strong city government but, like Washington, D. C, 
is controlled by the general government. The argu- 
ments used by the syndicalists of that day resemble 
very much the arguments used by Lenin when the 
Kerensky Government was overthrown. 

Germany had just defeated France and a great 
indemnity had been exacted. The Communists declared 
that the bourgeoisie had "sold France out"; therefore 
they revolted. In Marseilles and other smaller cities 
Prince Bakounin also brought about revolts which were 
promptly quelled, but in Paris a large part of the Na- 
tional Guard joined the syndicalists and a general 
election was held in March at which members of the 
communal government were chosen. The army came 
from Versailles and made a strong and continuous at- 
tack. A reign of blood and terror ensued, which finally 
ended in the defeat of the Commune in May, twenty- 
five thousand communists being taken prisoners and 
many thousands of others deported. The leaders were 
executed. Thus ends the story of the revolt which was 
to revolutionize Europe and make all men happy. 

The excuses given for this failure by the ism-ists were 
that Marx and Lasalle did not agree; and, that there 


was a conflict of interest between the workers them- 
selves. They apparently discovered that self-interest 
could not be entirely eliminated. 

In Germany, the continuous socialist propaganda of 
securing the control of government by political means 
gained thousands of adherents. The German people 
have always been firm supporters of a strong central 
government. They have always beheved in paternal- 
ism and strict governmental regulation of all things. 
The sign VerboteUy found everywhere in Germany 
before the great war, would, in any other country, have 
brought about instant denunciation. 

The middle classes refused to join hands with the 
workers. Therefore, the sociaHsts under the name 
of the Social Democratic Party went it alone. They 
received a serious setback because of the successful war 
against France and made a grave tactical error by en- 
dorsing the Paris Commune; but, in spite of these fac- 
tors, at the election held in 1874 they cast more than 
350,000 votes, electing nine members to the Reichstag. 
Three years later nearly half a million votes were cast 
and twelve Reichstag members elected. 

Bismarck determined to destroy socialism. Two 
means were to be used: one, relentless repression, the 
other the inauguration of the well-known social welfare 
measures such as old-age pensions, accident insurance, 
old-age and invalidity insurance. The German Govern- 
ment became the owner of the railroads, and tobacco 
became state controlled and owned. The measures of 
repression calculated to take away the rights of the 
people to control and change their own government by 


orderly, political methods failed, as they should and ever 
will fail. In 1890 the Government wisely decided that 
it was the part of wisdom to decline to renew the stat- 
utes of persecution. This same year nearly one and one 
half million votes were cast for socialism and this after 
years of relentless Bismarckian cruelty and persecution 
and in spite of the fact that there was no equal suffrage. 

Syndicalism, which declined after 1871, gained new 
strength in France in 1887 when the Council of Paris 
(the municipal governing body) subsidized with state 
money the first bourse du travail^ or labour exchange. In 
reality it was in the nature of a workingmen's club where 
employment matters were attended to and a library 
furnished for the benefit of the wage workers. Im- 
mediately other cities followed the example of Paris and 
by 1892 there were a score of such institutions in France. 
The syndicalists (revolutionists) took immediate con- 
trol of these centres and all who believed in direct action 
found a glorious opportunity to agitate, preach revolu- 
tion, and foment strikes at government expense. 

It was in 1892 that Aristide Briand aroused such en- 
thusiasm at the Federation de Syndicats in Versailles 
that they voted a resolution endorsing the general strike. 
This had been the main bone of contention between the 
syndicats and the Bourse du Travail direct actionists, 
and this action brought about a union of the two bodies. 
Becoming alarmed, the Government now demanded 
that the old forgotten law requiring syndicats to file 
the names of their officers with the Government be 
obeyed. The organization refused. The Bourse was 
then raided and, by force of arms, closed. The workers, 


enraged, stood together for nearly a year when the con- 
servatives who had never beheved in the general strike, 
which with sabotage is the keystone of syndicalism, re- 
gretted their hasty action and repudiated the'principleby 
an overwhelming vote. The revolutionaries then again 
took control of the Bourse du Travail and became the 
real, live, agitating members of that body. Disdaining 
political action because of the "disgraces and scandals in- 
volved," the Federation of Syndicats virtuously decided 
for "direct action," particularly the general strike. Of 
course the fact of their hopeless minority had no 
influence on their decision! The Federation stood for 
Proud hun-anarchy which was really group-anarchy 
instead of anarchy of the individual. 

The following table taken from the Annuaire des 
Syndicats Professionels, 191 1, gives the growth of revolu- 
tionary syndicalism in France: 

1894 403,440 members 

1896 422,777 

1898 437,793 " 

1900 491*647 " 

1902 614,173 " 

1904 715.576 " 

1906 836,134 " 

1908 957,102 " 

1910 977»3SO " 

Of this number, but 36 per cent, belong to the 
Federation or central body and at no time have half 
of the syndicats been united. Human nature persists 
in working out its future in its own way regardless of 
rules, fiery speeches, and glowing promises of a future of 


unalloyed happiness. The great organization fault of 
the syndicats of France has always been the irresponsi- 
bility of its membership when it actually came to paying 
dues. The precepts of the organization itself taught 
irresponsibility and more or less criminality; hence it is 
not strange that when the time came to pay the piper, 
hundreds of thousands refused. They were perfectly 
willing to dance but wanted someone else to pay for 
the music — a basic fundamental belief held by all syndi- 
calists from Bakounin down to our own Haywood ! 

The movement has gone on in France with varying 
success, but always with a record of absolute defeat so 
far as the ultimate aims are concerned. 

The characteristics of syndicats in France have al- 
ways been: 

Opposition to political or orderly means of any kind. 

Opposition to universal suffrage. 

Opposition to proportional representation. 

Opposition to any form of government. 

Opposition to centralized authority. 

Opposition to God or religion. 

Opposition to democracy. 

Opposition to the rule of the majority (even among 

They stand for the doctrine of force and preach it. 

They stand for sabotage with all its manifest evils. 

They stand for immorality and crime. 

They stand for restricted production. 

Their method of training: strike after strike! 

Their guerrilla warfare: sabotage 

Their heavy artillery: the general strike ! 


Their object: the overthrow of government and the 
inauguration of a dictatorship of the proletariat! 

Our own I. W. W. now indorse every clause in the 
above statement. 

The history of syndicalism shows that the proletariat 
are not indispensable to the rest of humanity in time of 
great stress, but that other men step to the front and 
do the work. The tying up of industry by the revolu- 
tionists has never been successful in terrifying the bal- 
ance of the population for any length of time. The 
practice of sabotage, while irritating, has always been 
more disastrous to the class that practised it than to the 
industry it was aimed at. The failure of revolutionary 
syndicalism is but the natural outcome of such beliefs 
and practices. The people of the world are not cowards 
nor can any one rule by fear or achieve a good thing by 
bad methods. Time and again in public office one is 
tempted to do a little wrong that good may come; but 
always, when attempted, disaster follows. 

The invasion of Belgium by Germany carried with it 
every element of cruelty and crime that devilish in- 
genuity could invent; but to the last the Belgians and 
the rest of mankind felt resentment instead of fear. 

The general strike is a terrible weapon, but it is a 
sword with two edges. The perpetrators are invariably 
the ones who suffer most. The agitators, the workers 
who work the workers, are the only beneficiaries. 
Labour loses overwhelmingly, Capital but seemingly, for 
in the nature of things Capital makes up its loss in 
nine cases out of ten. True, the stoppage of production 
makes the whole world poorer, and no matter what 


the method of division may be there is always less to 

Most teachers of the isms have always looked 
upon wealth as an existing entity, unbounded and 
boundless. All their talk is of proper distribution. 
No one apparently paid much attention to production 
in Russia until Lenin found that without production 
increase the people of Russia would perish. Wealth is 
not a static thing, it changes every day; a little more 
production, a little more wealth; a little more consump- 
tion, a little less. It may best be stated by saying that 
our entire national wealth is $250,000,000,000 while our 
production last year amounted to about $50,000,000,000. 
In other words, in five years, without production, we 
would have no wealth left. 

It is very encouraging to quote the facts of our 
natural resources. For instance, this country has un- 
mined coal to the extent of 4,231,000,000 tons. This 
stored-up sunshine of the ages is worth absolutely 
nothing without labour being applied to it. It is as 
sandstone or salt water. Wealth is created by the ap- 
plication of labour to natural resources. Let all work stop 
and all wealth production stops. Just subtract every- 
thing that would have been produced from our wealth 
and you have the loss. One might just as well fire a 
building containing a like amount of goods — the result 
is absolutely the same. It is time that we all under- 
stood that restriction of production, whether by "Ca* 
cannie " or sabotage or cessation from work, means the 
same as the destruction of things already made. 

The work of the revolutionists operating as syndi- 


calists in France has had a great deal to do with the low 
position of France in the industrial world, and despite 
the thrift of its people and its many great opportunities 
Frenchmen have realized in small measure only their 
heritage. While much advance has been made it 
has not met the advance of the neighbouring countries 
of Europe. No people can escape the results of their 
own acts, and destruction is destruction and means loss 
of prosperity no matter in what guise destruction comes! 

When a house burns down the owner collects its value 
from an insurance company and many people imagine 
there was no loss. That, of course, is a simple fallacy 
as someone somewhere pays for the destruction and, 
more than that, all the money in the world cannot 
replace and retrieve to the world the destroyed wealth. 
A friend of mine who visited France, who was by the 
way a great reader of John Burroughs, said: "The 
beautiful trees that German soldiers wantonly cut down 
and the orchards destroyed cut me to the heart. Twenty 
years of care and sometimes more are needed to replace 
them. The world is just that much less beautiful and 
that much poorer." 

It were strange if, with all this agitation continuing 
for a century, syndicalism did not come to curse other 
peoples and other countries. In the next chapter we 
will take up syndicalism and its growth in Russia where, 
under the new name of bolshevism, the anarchistic 
communism of all the ages has become a ripened fruit, 
the eating thereof bringing more suffering to its people 
than the fabled apple in the Garden of Eden. Theories 
and bchefs, while oft very comforting and beautiful 


dreams, sometimes prove in practice to be horrible 
nightmares. A theory of government founded on 
violence, theft, sabotage, force, and wrong must in the 
final analysis become self-destructive and disappear or 
else there are no such things as right and wrong. 

One of the salient characteristics of syndicalism is its 
consistent opposition to preparedness, its efforts to stop 
the enlisting and disciphning of an army, to check all 
military expenditure or preparation of any kind. The 
Government of France, with its neighbour Germany to 
the north preparing for years for war, often found itself 
unable to proceed as it should with preparations for its 
own protection. Politicians, cowardly in France as in 
the United States, often refused to do the right thing 
at the right time. The people themselves, impregnated 
to a certain extent with pacifism, although the danger 
was manifest for many long years, refused to support 
the Government in its preparedness endeavours. The 
decentralization policy of the syndicalists had its influ- 
ence in the minds of the people and there never was a 
ready acceptance of necessary preparedness measures 
until the danger was right upon them. Then it would 
have been too late had not the other nations of the world 
come to the rescue of France. 

At the time of the Franco-Prussian War, 1 870-1 871, 
the population of France was 36,102,921; of Germany 
41,058,792. At the outbreak of the great conflict just 
terminated the population of the respective countries 
was: France, 39,601,509; Germany, 67,812,000. 

One of the teachings which was interwoven with 
syndicalism was a defiance of the laws of nature as well 


as the laws of man and God. But few children were 
born; the reproductive duty was never taken seriously. 
The industrial situation was such that, strike following 
strike, no workman knew what the morrow would bring 
forth, and the result of the propaganda of selfishness and 
fear prevented millions from being born, and when the 
time came, brave and valiant as France's wonderful 
army was, they were too few in numbers and centraliza- 
tion was too new a thing for the equalling of industrial, 
centralized, populous Germany on the field of battle. 

One hundred years of continuous advocacy of syndical- 
ism in its revolutionary form placed France in a con- 
tinually declining position industrially and it speaks 
much for the virility and bravery of her people that 
despite the handicaps of a century of anarchistic teach- 
ings, the war of self-defence rallied and united her men 
and women. No men at any time anywhere showed 
greater bravery than the far-famed poilus of France. 

The constant attacks on the relations of the family 
could not but have their effect. The continuous preach- 
ing of anti-preparedness also bore its fruit; the demoral- 
ization of organization and the teachings of inspirational 
enthusiasm in place of planned and concerted effort 
also did its deadly work. The free-love teachings of 
Rousseau still remain the behef of thousands. It can 
be truly said that any government founded on destruc- 
tive policies must fail. A government is only a collec- 
tion of units. If the units are demoralized and de- 
nationalized the collection of units must be also. 

A government that is continually paraded as the 
workmen's foe cannot evoke from the workmen that 


degree of self-sacrifice and loyalty necessary to succeed 
except under the most extraordinary circumstances. 

On March i6, 191 1, on the fortieth anniversary of 
the Commune, W. D. Ha5rwood addressed a meeting 
in New York City at the Progress Assembly Rooms. 
With his usual carelessness as to actual facts he said 
that had it not been for the co-partnership of Germany 
and France the strikers in 1871 would have won in 
France, and that "they would have reestablished the 
great national workshops that existed in Paris and 
throughout France in 1848." Suppose they had done 
so, is there a single logical reason to believe that the 
result would have been one whit different than in 1848.? 
The story of 1848 with its disaster and failure and the 
consequent retarding of the working-class movement 
carries no message to such as he, who "having ears hears 
not, having eyes sees not." Coleridge said: 

If men could learn from history, what lessons it might teach 
us. But passion and party blind our eyes and the light which experi- 
ence gives is a lantern on the stern which shines only on the waves 
behind us! 

Centuries before Coleridge, Cicero rang the bell when 
he wrote: 

Not to know what has been transacted in former times is to be 
always a child. If no use is made of the labours of the past ages 
the world must always remain in the infancy of knowledge. 

No man who will read history can but regard syn- 
dicalism as silly, ineffective, useless, and cruel. Yet the 
same old tune played in bygone centuries pops up and 
for a day becomes the favourite music for those who 


believe in everything new, that is new to them; who 
believe everything true that a fanatic asserts, every- 
thing that is, wrong, and anything a better guide than 

It is only in government that men would imitate the 
crab. No one recommends the tallow dip to supplant 
the electric light, no one wants the ox-team to supplant 
the motor car, and no one wants the unwilling labour 
of human slaves to replace steam. In everything 
about us, except in plans of government, all agree that: 
"Each succeeding day is the scholar of that which 
went before it.'* 



We deplore the outrages which accompany revolutions. But 
the more violent the outrages, the more assured we feel that revolu- 
tion was necessary. The violence of these outrages will ever be 
proportioned to the ferocity and ignorance of the people; and the 
ferocity and ignorance of the people will be proportioned to the 
oppression and degradation under which they have been accus- 
tomed to live. 

Could there be a more fitting comment on Russia to- 
day than these words of Lord Macaulay's uttered 
many years before the Russian Revolution was 
dreamed of? 

The Story of Russia is the story of a great, backward, 
good-natured child with wonderful latent talents and 
possibilities; undeveloped but kindly, slow to learn, 
ready to believe, filled with ignorant idealism and 
youthful enthusiasm; all kept from expression and from 
voice by fear^ force^ and tyranny made possible by the 
prevailing ignorance and lack of unity amongst the 
people themselves. So far-flung is its territory and so 
sparsely settled that it is no wonder that a common pur- 
pose is oft absent from amongst its people. 

Think of a country with nearly three times the area 
of the United States — nigh one sixth the area of the 
earth; a country with 109,000 villages and 180,000,000 



people; a countty extending from the Pacific to Ger- 
many, with but a small portion of the land in use; a 
country that has nearly 44,000 miles as its boundary 
line; a country with 550,000,000 acres of forest land, 
the largest standing body of timber in the world. Vi- 
sion a country with more than 76,000 miles of rivers, 
lakes, and canals, of which 17,000 are navigable for 
steamers; a country containing a large proportion of 
the most fertile land in the world; a country with a 
population which merely dots its surface and yet faces 
actual starvation every few years because of famine. 
Russia is neither West nor East, Oriental nor Occi- 
dental. Its government stood immovable for centu- 
ries, ignorance being the rule and not the exception, 
while poverty is almost universal. Its people are half 
men, half children. In 1903 only one thirtieth of its 
people were at school — in our country, one fifth were 
studying. Only 73 per cent, of its people can write 
their own names. 

The government of the czars left Russia as their mon- 
ument. The rulers demanded ignorance as an essential 
to their own continuance in power. Everything man- 
made in Russia is despicable, vile, and tyrannous — no 
schools, no roads, no education, no freedom, no self- 
rule, no prosperity, no comfort, no health. And yet 
nature has showered her blessings upon this land. Its 
soil is rich, its lakes teem with fish, its forests with 
game, its mountains with ore, and its people are cer- 
tainly the equals, if not the superiors, of more than one 
European race. Can it be that without freedom and 
liberty even the Garden of Eden would have become 


an iniquitous, stinking hell-hole of unhappiness and 
sorrow? When you read in your morning paper of the 
outrages committed in Russia, pause a moment and 
think of the past, the past full of suffering and sorrow, 
ignorance and oppression, lest you judge too harshly! 

As they are, so their rulers made them. The czars 
are dead. They should never have lived. Some day 
the intelligent people of the earth will realize that 
plague spots such as Russia cannot exist without 
endangering all of us. Then, and not before, will 
tyranny cease to be. Apparently, in 191 7, the Russian 
people were in about the same state of development as 
were the people of France at the time when the "nat- 
ural right of man to happiness" was taught so effec- 
tively by Rousseau. I propose to tell the pitiful story 
in as few words as possible, in order to help you to 
appreciate the reasons for the present conditions in 
Russia. It should be interesting, as every statement 
made has been carefully checked and the picture of the 
home environment comes first-hand from the lips of 
dozens of refugees who have sought asylum in our own 

The Russian timber lands teem with game of all sorts 
and the production of furs, honey, wax, and resin is 
very large. The population, until the eleventh cen- 
tury, lived in stockade towns with a central fort very 
much the same as the outpost trading points estab- 
lished by the Hudson's Bay Company in our country and 
Canada. As in America, these trading points, chosen 
because of their strategical advantages, have become, 
in many instances, large cities. The first great indus- 


try in Russia, as in every other country of the Old World, 
was deaHng in human slaves. 

At the time when Sverre, King of Norway, bastard 
child of Sigurd Mund and his cook, was instituting 
great reforms of every character in Scandinavia, Russia 
slept on and no progress for human freedom was made. 
When America was discovered, agriculture was just 
beginning in Russia. Slave labour planted the seed 
and slave labour reaped the harvest; but slave labour 
did not receive the fruits of its toil. Thus it has been 
in all the past centuries — the strong oppressing the 
weak, exploiting the helpless, waxing fat on the pro- 
ductive toil of others! 

Commerce came first to Russia as it comes to all 
countries. First, the human race exploit such of the 
natural resources as individuals can carry away — the 
placer gold, the skins of animals, the honey of the wild 
bees, etc. The next step is usually the pastoral stage, 
but this never reached full development in Russia 
because of the fact that markets were far away and 
the flesh of the wild animals sufficed for the few inhabi- 
tants. The terrible winters prevented also the open 
range for cattle. The number of slaves became so 
great that the ordinary occupations incidental to 
commerce in primitive tnings could not employ them 
profitably; hence, the surplus human material was 
used in agriculture, although agriculture on an exten- 
sive scale did not come until much later. In fact, 
it did not come until free peasants tilled the soil in the 
fifteenth century. 

It was at this time that the power of the Czar was 


established and the military class became the auto- 
crats. At the same time the freedom of the peasantry 
was gradually taken from them. The land holdings 
came into fewer and fewer hands, but at the end of the 
sixteenth century they were still free tenants, matters 
being so arranged, however, that a great load of obli- 
gations to the Government and to the land owners 
weighed them down. They gradually became serfs 
of the soil, and in some matters their conditions were 
more wretched than those of the chattel slaves. 

The Romanoff Dynasty was founded in 1613, and by 
1890 Russia had become a great world power. The 
divergent races had become a semi-nation. The ma- 
jority of the peasants were still virtually serfs and had 
become firmly bound to the soil. 

It thus came about that a hundred years ago the 
population of Russia was divided into two great 
classes — the land owners and the land tillers. The 
nobility numbered less than 150,000 people. There 
was an inconsiderable number of preachers, doctors, 
lawyers, merchants, and bankers, the balance being 
peasants. In 181 5 the Crown lands alone held 
16,000,000 serfs. The great estates had two parts, 
one the rich and arable land set aside for the owner, 
the other for the workers. These workers lived in 
little villages called "mirs" and paid their rent as a collec' 
tive obligation or debt of the community. The serfs were, 
of course, merely renters and their earnings consisted 
of their share of the community production, less the 
rent of the landlordy who became so rapacious that the 
average time they had to spend working for him in 


order to have the right to work for themselves reached 
the stupendous average of three days per week ! Not 
only did he rack-rent them, but he was judge, jury, and 
sheriff when he desired to enforce his disciphne and regu- 
lations. Under the law, no serf could leave the land 
where he was born. He was as much a part of the 
transfer, when a sale was made, as were the barns and 
houses, and the title that passed the land passed also 
his ownership to the newcomer. He was not even a 
chattel. He was real-estate, dirt! 

The rubber bail thrown against the wall rebounds in 
the same degree as the force of the throw. The op- 
pression and robbery and cruelty of the centuries in 
Russia could do no less than react in somewhat like 
proportion. In estimating their assets the nobles said: 
"We possess so many souls, not so much land." The 
nobility of the twentieth century in Russia reap the re- 
ward of the acts of their ancestors four hundred years 
before. "The iniquity of the fathers shall be visited 
upon the children unto the third and fourth generation." 

A class which counted its wealth not in number of 
acres of land, but in the number of souls they possessed, 
can hardly expect sympathy from the world. Even 
Nicholas I (1828-55) admitted the peasants' wrongs 
and said: "Better grant some things before they take 
everything from us." He appointed numerous com- 
missions which, of course, "resoluted" bravely until the 
land owners talked things over with them when they 
did nothing! Czar Alexander II, in 1857, went earnestly 
. to work to remedy this deplorable condition. It was 
surely time. There were, at that time, 47,000,000 


serfs in Russia. Gradually the Czar freed them on 
the Crown lands; and then he carried out the first and 
greatest Httle-down-and-so-much-a-year real estate deal 
in history. He freed the serfs and sold them the land 
for two and one fifth billion dollars, payable in install- 
ments running over a period of forty-nine years with 
interest at 6 per cent. The new owners, to be sure, 
had to pay whatever taxes and rates the Crown wished 
to impose upon them; the usual parcel, whether held in 
common or individually, averaging a trifle more than 
twenty-two acres. 

Those who divided and proportioned the land were 
very careful to allow each family only half enough land to 
support itself. This was done in order that the great 
landed proprietors might have, surrounding their es- 
tates, a great mass of workers who would be com- 
pelled to work for them at whatever they wished to 
pay them. Despite the fact that they tilled their own 
holdings and worked for the neighbouring lord of the 
soil, famine came every two or three years to a great 
part of Russia, and millions lived in misery from lack of 
food and the essentials of life. Millions have literally 
died of starvation while the landed proprietors, who 
did nothing, lived in luxury in the capitals of Europe. 
An area of 550,000 square miles, or nearly one half the 
entire agricultural land, was disposed of in this manner. 
This is about eleven times the size of the state of New 
York and if placed in a twenty-two-mile strip would ex- 
tend around the earth. "Some" real-estate deal, and 
this was in 1861 when folks did not think in very large 
figures ! 


It was felt that to liberate an agriculturist, without 
giving him ownership in land, would do no good; that 
landlordism was but little better than the previous 
condition. Government officials, apparently, were 
perfectly willing to protect the workers from landlord 
exploiters, but they only changed the yoke from a pri- 
vate to a governmental one; the taxes levied against 
the lands being greater than ever before, and as each 
man improved his own portion, or the portion allotted 
to his miry the taxes immediately rose. Russia was 
becoming civilized and modern ! The mfr, or commune, 
in many instances, took title to the common lands which 
were cultivated, allowing the peasant ownership of only 
his little cot and garden. 

The peasants controlled the situation, held assem- 
blies, worked on a social and economic equality, and 
the head man was not the master but the duly elected 
servant of the people. It was, in fact, a village govern- 
ment where the practice of communism, mingled with 
local democracy, met with a fair measure of success. 
Community ownership, of course, protected the State 
from the disaster that might overtake the individual owner, 
thus making the collection of taxes more certain and 
easy; besides, it saved a vast amount of bookkeeping, 
and the Russians were never good accountants. 

It has not been demonstrated — the late Czar, Lenin, 
and Trotsky to the contrary notwithstanding — that 
Russia is not fit for self-government. The people of 
Russia, by their wise choice of a constituent assembly, 
have shown themselves capable; and whenever a vote 
is taken with equal and universal suffrage in effect. 


no one need fear but that the people of Russia will es- 
tablish a government fit to associate on equal terms 
with the enhghtened nations of the world. The cen- 
turies of training along cooperative lines should be of 
immense benefit to the country when once a truly 
representative government comes into being. 

Apparently revolutionists in every country have 
known that the best way to promulgate and propagate 
ideas is to teach their propaganda to the students in 
schools and universities. The mind of the student is 
young, easily impressed, has no personal experience 
by which to expose the fallacies, and there are usually 
no organized arguments on the other side. The 
teachers and professors are susceptible to ideas of this 
nature because of the fact that they are always under- 
paid, not by a private employer but by the State; hence, 
their animosity is directed against their oppressor, the 

To a very great extent folks take their position in life 
from their economic situation and it were futile to ex- 
pect a school teacher to feel deeply on the subject of 
private property when he is refused the opportunity to] 
participate, except in a very limited degree, in that which] 
he is supposed to uphold and protect. The agitators' 
were always aware of this and sowed the red seed among 
that class of people most liable and able to spread their 
doctrines. To be a student in Russia was to be a revo- 
lutionist! The students spread over Russia and carriedj 
the doctrines to the peasantry. 

While this was going on, Alexander II inauguratec 
the zemstvos, which were local assemblies supposed to] 


control schools and hospitals, teach agriculture, im- 
prove roads, etc. These were formed in 1864 and 
"The Reform Czar," as Alexander II was called, be- 
lieved that out of these zemstvos, whose members were 
elected directly by the people, would come trained men 
fit to conduct public affairs. He looked upon them as 
a first step toward fitting the rank and file to participate 
in government. The autocrats, as might be expected, 
opposed every form of progress while the anarchists, of 
course, demanded everything at once. 

In 1876 the revolutionists (revolutionary syndical- 
ists) organized the Land and Liberty Party, which 
advocated the same doctrines as the French syndicahsts 
and were practically identical with the I. W. W. of our 
own day. The party, of course, taught terror as a fun- 
damental, fear as the main doctrine, assassination as the 
immediate need. Prominent government officials were 
chosen for the slaughter, bombs, daggers, etc., being 
used, but the prevailing doctrine of cowardice of the 
present group (I. W. W.'s) was absent. Assassins took 
their lives in their hands to do the deed. Many were 
punished. In 1880 a systematic campaign of terror- 
ism was carried on, reaching its apex when Alexander 
II was killed by a bomb in March, 1881. All progress 
received a great set-back because of this act of violence. 
Many who despised the Czar and the Government and 
wanted real reform felt that murder could not bring 
about progress, and deeply resented the methods used. 

However, just as soon as Alexander II was dead there 
was another Czar — Alexander III — who was certainly 
not as good a man as his predecessor. Alexander II was 


assassinated just at the time he had completed a 
constitution for the people oj Russia. His successor, 
ushered in by blood, was a weak, ignorant, easily flat- 
tered idiot, who spent his time with little things and 
drink. For thirteen years he was the Government^ and a 
mighty poor excuse for a government he was. Russia's 
clock of progress was turned back while the timepieces 
of the other countries of the world were going forward. 
Reaction and Divine Right to rule received continuous 
affirmance while the anarchists were busy gaining re- 
cruits. This Czar's main achievement was the father- 
hood of the late Czar Nicholas II, a worthy scion of 
such a parent. 

Russia was now awakening and feeling the pulse of 
the outside world. Our own continent was being trans- 
formed — had been transformed in fact. Railroads were 
being built ever5rwhere, and the transition of agricul- 
tural communities to manufacturing centres was going 
on apace. In 1896, the first leg of the Trans-Siberian 
Railroad reached the River Ob and immediately the 
hordes of European Russia started to emigrate for the 
land of promise, Siberia; the famine, with its privation 
and death, coming at a time to hasten colonization in 
Siberia. The peasants complained that they had not 
land enough to raise the food necessary to live. The 
cry was for land — tillable land — and cheap land. Land 
hunger has ever been the dominant factor in the shift 
of the populations of the earth. Access to land is the 
parent of emigration, oppression acting as the next 
greatest cause. The immense immigration to our coun- 
try from Russia, especially of the Jews, explains itself 


when one knows their restrictions and persecutions in 
Russia. The chance for land and Hberty will always 
populate the vacant places of the earth. 

It is true, however, that the training received by the 
peasantry in the mirs or communistic villages deprived 
them of their individuality and initiative. They had 
never depended entirely upon themselves; hence, had 
little courage to pioneer a wild country. Men become 
strong by becoming self-dependent, and this was one of 
the main reasons why the people of Russia remained in 
crowded districts with but a small amount of land 
when all Siberia lay before them for colonization. An- 
other reason, of course, was the abject poverty and ig- 
norance of the peasantry, who knew but little of the 
wild land to the east and had no stored-up capital with 
which to maintain themselves even if they emigrated 
to the new country. The Russian had received herd- 
training and, when the time for action came, remained 
and functioned with the herd. 

Russia from 1861 on, the date of the emancipation of 
the serfs, became a centre of revolutionary ferment. 
Partial freedom simply acted as the taste of food does 
to a hungry man. One must not start a people on the 
road to freedom unless prepared to have them go the 
full journey! 

The Government undertook to destroy by repression 
the desire for liberty — executing thousands, banishing 
tens of thousands; but terrorism by government is never 
more successful than terrorism by any other organization. 
It has always been a complete failure because people 
(and the great war proved it again if more proof were 


necessary) are not afraid and cannot be made afraid. 
Fear of death will control only up to the point where 
death itself is preferable to ignoble life; after that you 
have a fatalist who has already discounted everything. 
He is then as fearless as if immortal! Absence of fear 
spells liberty ! There were thousands of peasant revolts. 
The emancipation of the serfs carried with it enslave- 
ment to the State; men who lived in communes where 
the debt was large were not allowed to emigrate and 
peasants were not permitted to use the Crown lands for 
pasturage as theretofore. 

With Russia's railroad building and industrial expan- 
sion there came to the people some degree of learning 
and knowledge — enough for the realization and recogni- 
tion of their misery. Many left Russia for America. 
All wanted to leave. Returning emigrants told the 
story of our country and its opportunities. With the 
development of the manufacturing centres, principally 
Moscow and St. Petersburg, workmen still further 
assimilated syndicalism. The red seed sown by the 
agitators, and given firm root by the oppressors, was 
now carefully nurtured and propagated by the oppressed, 
and in the eighties along with other countries of the 
world, Russia had strike after strike, revolt after re- 
volt; but all were unsuccessful. The lack of any 
material advance against oppression simply confined 
the volcano which, when the pressure became strong 
enough, would tear a hole in the mountain side and 
pour out its burning lava, destroying all live and grow- 
ing things in its path. 

The Social Revolutionary Party was founded in 19CX), 


composed of peasants, workmen, and students. It was 
a party of communistic syndicalism, and terrorism 
was again its method, while assassination was practised 
as a cardinal principle. 

We come now to the year 1905 when the war with 
Japan was at its height and also the time when the 
people of Russia were determined on securing some 
relief. We have seen how strike followed strike, revolt 
succeeded revolt, and how all disturbances although 
suppressed began over again the next day. The throne 
was tottering. It looked as though the Government 
must fall, as it seemed impossible that order could come 
again without the overthrow of Czarism. 

During this time a priest named Father Gapon had 
gained great popularity amongst the workers. He had 
a strange hypnotic power which swayed the easily led 
Russians. In place of open revolt he advocated going 
to the ruler for relief. He argued that the Czar was 
good and only his officials were bad. He preached 
petition instead of demand and on January 9, 1905, 
clad in his priestly garments, led a procession of workers 
to the Winter Palace to meet and plead with the Czar 
for a constituent assembly based on secret, universal, 
equal, and direct suffrage. They wanted personal free- 
dom, security of the person, freedom of speech and of 
the press, the right to assemble and the right to worship 
God as they saw fit; also compulsory education and 
free schools, equal rights before the law, an eight-hour 
day, normal wages, and the right to end the war by 
vote of the people. Quite a programme for the Czar to 


When they reached the square before the Winter 
Palace, troops fired into the crowds without warning, 
kilHng and wounding about 4,000 men, women, and 
children. This solidified the already-present desire of 
all classes to wipe out the Government. Business men, 
lawyers, and doctors, as well as the workmen, became a 
unit against oppression. Nearly all believed The Day 
had come. Murder and bloodshed had united the 
people against a common enemy. The Czar was 
"Little Father" no more, but stood out in his true 
colours as an oppressor of all. A free government is 
just as important to one class of people as to another. 

The war with Japan and its failure, with the conse- 
quent depression and exposure of official incompetence 
and crookedness, also caused sincere and widespread 
desire for the overthrow of the Czar. The soldiers in 
the war now presented one of the most fertile fields for 
propaganda. Hungry, ragged, only partially armed, 
horribly cheated, treacherously led, they entered upon 
strike after strike, which were, under military law, 
mutinies. The sailors took possession of a man-of-war, 
but the Government easily prevailed and punished the 
mutineers. Force ruled the bodies, but the souls 
were still unconquered. "The body, that is but dust; 
the soul, it is a bud of eternity." Freedom for all is 
certain. Only fools doubt it and stand in its way. 

After the idiotic manifestation of terrorism on the 
part of the Government in opening fire on the crowds 
before the Winter Palace, the Social Revolutionary 
Party, aided by thousands of new recruits, became even 
more frankly revolutionary and abandoned any idea of 



gaining help from the Government. They came to 
rely solely upon the only other means left to them: 
force. Sabotage had always been prevalent; now the 
general strike began to be advocated. With the Gov- 
ernment's ignorance and oppression as its main ally, 
the general strike bade fair to bring about chaos and 
overthrow, at least temporarily, the Government. 

In October, 1905, the Government tried to arrest 
and imprison the members of the Railway Congress, 
so called, and destroy the organization. The result 
was a general strike. Street cars stopped running; pos- 
tal and telegraph employees struck; everything, even 
drug stores, was closed. The strike might have failed 
by itself but the Czar, "scared stiff,'* brought it 
to an end by a proclamation declaring a limitation of 
his power, aflSrming the principles of civil liberty, and 
promising that no law should become effective without 
the sanction, consent, and support of the Duma or 
national assembly. In plain words, he proposed to 
inaugurate a constitutional government in Russia 
and on October 17, 1905, issued his manifesto which, 
stripped of its introductory verbiage, reads : 

We make it the duty of the Government to execute our firm will: 
(i) To grant the people the unshakable foundations of civic 
freedom on the basis of real personal inviolability, freedom of con- 
science, of speech, of assemblage, of unions. 

(2) To admit now to participation in the Imperial Duma, without 
stopping the pending elections and in so far as it is feasible in the 
short time remaining before the convening of the Duma, all the 
classes of the population, leaving the further development of the 
principle of universal suffrage to the new legislative order. 

(3) To establish as an unshakable rule that no law can become 


binding without the consent of the Imperial Duma, and that the 
representatives of the people must be guaranteed a real participa- 
tion in the control over the lawfulness of the authorities appointed 
by us. 

He granted, as a matter of fact, an imperial consent 
which might be revoked at any time. He still was 
Czar and autocrat; for a time a more reasonable one 
'tis true, but still autocrat. He still claimed the right 
to interpret his promises and break them if he saw fit. 
How slow the old order dieth ! If a man is told often 
enough and long enough that he is a great man, chosen 
of God to rule, he comes to believe it, unless he has a 
sense of humour. This the tyrants always lack. They 
never laugh at themselves; laughter cures bigotry. 
The futility of granting, during or after a battle, those 
things which should have been given without the asking, 
has no better example than the story of Russia. When 
will men learn to forestall defeat by doing the right 
thing at once.'' The reason measures of reform failed in 
Russia was that there was no intent of true reform. 
The thread of Czarism, or autocracy, distrust of the 
people, flouting their just grievances, laughing at their 
weaknesses, sneering at their sufferings, and always re- 
fusing them real -power — imperial anarchy in other words 
— runs through every promise and every proclamation ! 

But the harvest day for the rulers had come; the grain 
was fast ripening and no human power could stay its 
fruition. As well try to halt the sun in its course 
through the heavens! The Czar and his sycophants, 
however, saw only the surface of the great, slow mass- 
movement. They did not want to understand and 


feared even to think the truth. The people — stolid, 
patient, silent — bided their time. Cruelty was accentu- 
ated; repression made still stronger; more rights were 
taken away; the franchise was limited mostly to the 
landed gentry; the bureaucratic system made its evils 
felt daily; the country was placed under martial law, 
and all principles of civil liberty were violated. 



A WRONG thing can never stand the light of day. 
The Duma, though weak and inefficient, did one thing — 
it turned on the sun's rays and Russia finally emerged 
from isolation and darkness and entered a phase of 
twilight they called representative democracy. It was 
not a representative democracy. All legal, orderly 
methods had failed because of military oppression, and 
like every people in such circumstances, the Russians 
embraced syndicalism, direct action, sabotage, general 
strike, and revolution. This seemed to be their only 
possible escape, their only possible means of gaining 
freedom. They felt they must overcome force with a 
greater force. 

Force never does any real good in the world of ideas ! 
The only people who obey force are those who preach 
and practise it. "He that killeth with the sword must 
be killed with the sword."* 

Before you blame the courageous souls who revolted 
in Russia, however, ask yourself what you would have 
done had you been there. I am sure I would have tried 
to bring freedom to Russia had I been a Russian, and feel 

*Rev. xlii-io. 



certain that you would have done the same. One can ex- 
cuse the excesses of the helpless ! Revolutions will con- 
tinue to occur wherever tyranny is practised, wherever 
robbery is permitted, wherever equal rights are denied, 
wherever there is no other method of effective expression 
of the soul of mankind. Oppression brings its own anti- 
dote! Injustice is but temporary — ^justice is eternal! 

If mankind, inherently, has a natural right, it is the 
right of equality before the law. Denied, chaos must 
come; granted, things right themselves, though mayhap 
through travail and suffering. People are not only 
fit to govern, but must govern. Otherwise, there is no 
peace, no security, and no real government! Better 
no government for a time than a government so brutal 
that it will listen to no argument but violence! 

In gaining the proper perspective of conditions that 
brought about the upheaval in Russia, it were well to 
pause for a moment and consider the conditions of life 
of the great mass of the Russian people. Before we 
breathe one word of condemnation it is but fair to put 
ourselves in their places. How did the masses live? 
What hope for relief had they.f* What hope for their 
future ? 

Briefly sketched, their history reveals a past so dark, 
so gruesome, so bereft of liberty and light, of freedom 
and opportunity, that its recitation cannot fail to cause 
every sincere lover of freedom to take the side of these 
oppressed and exploited people. Picture to yourself 
a nation of millions, a small number living in towns and 
cities, the majority huddled together in one hundred 
and nine thousand mud-thatched, straw-roofed village 


huts; each mtV, village, or commune having about half 
as much land to till as zvas sufficient to maintain even 
the simple Russian scale of living. To this picture must 
be added a visitation oi famine every two or three years 
with its consequent suffering and death. Vision a 
government whose sole aim is to maintain itself at the 
expense of every one of these millions and you have a 
meagre idea of the conditions under which the great 
majority of these people were forced to live. 

One third of the population were non-Russian : Letts, 
Lithuanians, Poles, Finns, Jews, etc. Every branch 
of the Government used every known device to inflame 
the Russians against those of alien blood. It made no 
diflFerence that they had lived on the land for centuries, 
no matter that they had supported the Crown by their 
taxes and their toil; in fact, nothing mattered except 
that the Czar keep his tyrannous crew afloat. The blood 
of a few hundreds of thousands mattered not. Hatred 
of all other races was taught, preached, and practised, 
while the secret police were subsidized to inject the 
virus of hatred and suspicion between men. The Czar 
had no dangerous external enemy. He manufactured 
one even more potent: an internal enemy — the alien 
races — and the product of his manufacture, his creation, 
was helpless. 

Religious and racial differences brought about internal 
dissensions. Encouraged by the Government, some- 
times instigated and protected by it, massacre after 
massacre took place. The murderers were rewarded 
while those who denounced them were imprisoned, 
banished, or killed. Russia's subject races have so 


suffered for centuries. The Jews were permitted to 
live in only half the towns. All Jewish schools were to 
be closed and the race of Abraham was not to be al- 
lowed to secure any education, anywhere. When 
things were reasonably quiet the Government, through 
its agents, sold the Jews privileges, but when trouble 
came to the throne, the Jews were arrested, imprisoned, 
robbed, and killed. They were given the right to sell 
liquor; then the law was repealed, again granted, and 
again the privilege was repealed. The laws forbade 
them to deal in land — it was repealed, then enacted 
again and enforced or not enforced, as the agents saw 
fit — and then it became absolute law. Certain dis- 
tricts were laid off within which the Jews could live, 
called the "pale"; outside of these districts Jews were 
forbidden. Although the Jewish population increased 
the rulers saw to it that the size of these districts was 
diminished, resulting in squalor, overcrowding, dirt, 
filth, and disease. The Jews were also shut out from 
agriculture, and thus forced to become small tradesmen 
and dealers, and because of this land policy of the Czar 
it was easy to shift the blame to the Jews when famine 
came to curse the country. 

By their thrift and trading with the peasantry they 
accumulated money and became the country's petty 
capitalists. As such, they were blamed for all the ills of 
the poor. Ignorant, hungry, starving, the villagers 
periodically attacked them, stole their goods, murdered 
their families, and burned their homes. 

The Government, as might be expected, kept the 
progressive and profitable businesses for itself, taking 


governmental control of many staples and charging the 
consumer ofttimes three to four times as much as the 
same articles were sold for in neighbouring countries. 
The money so derived was used, not for the benefit of the 
country, but for benefiting and enriching the nobility. 
In one of the richest countries of the earth there was no 
escape for the great majority from poverty and want! 
Compulsory poverty and pre-determined ignorance 
ruled in every hut in Russia! 

Not satisfied with these and other monopolies, high 
protective duties were placed on articles of general 
use. Indirect taxes were piled heap upon heap. When 
the peasantry began using tea, sugar, and steel plows, 
taxes were again increased, the starving people of Russia 
paying three to four times as much for such articles 
as the peoples of France and Germany. So expensive 
are steel implements that harrows, plows, and wagons 
are made of wood. Tea is only an occasional drink, 
while the use of sugar is very limited. In a starving 
country, the very farmers, although suffering for lack 
of food, zvere compelled hy need to sell their grain for 
export. Ninety-seven per cent, of the exports of Russia 
were for years and years raw material. Sixty-six per 
cent, of the exports from starving Russia is grain, 
only 3 per cent, being manufactured articles. While 
the peasantry were starving, the landowners and nobles 
were loaned money by the State at very much less than 
the current rates of interest. Surely a government hy 
the few y and for the few ! 

Count Witte admitted that the condition of the 
farmers was one hundred years behind the times. 


Conditions of agriculture were primitive, the peasants 
getting but about one third as much produce per acre as 
the Germans, despite the fact that the soil of Russia 
comprises the best in the world. Russia has always 
been incredibly poor, the peasants never getting enough 
ahead to take advantage of modern methods or ma- 
chinery. The Government was not even wise enough 
to follow the example of the former slave owners. The 
Government knew the value of modernity in industry 
and farming; they knew that a well-fed man would do 
the work of three "underfeds," and yet they saw to it 
that the peasants were undernourished. They knew 
that the ignorant are always inefficient and poor pro- 
ducers; still they planned for continuous and never- 
ending ignorance. 

They were fools! A fool in power is more dangerous 
than a knave! The land allotted was insufficient to 
support the people while at the same time the compul- 
sory poverty and ignorance of the people themselves 
held down the productiveness of the land they had. 

The people, however, had their own ideas of right and 
wrong. They refused, times without number, to allow 
the Czar to dictate to them as to their village business, 
and refused to recognize their village head as a little 
czar — he was always treated as their servant. The 
land was divided between the villagers by themselves 
and redistributed every three years, the result being 
that no individual had any incentive to enrich or fertil- 
ize his portion of the public domain; therefore the land 
became poorer year by year. The peasantry simply 
mined the land, but did not farm it. 


The Czar tried many times to overthrow village rule, 
but against the resistance of the peasantry he found 
himself helpless. It was the old story of the patient 
man submitting to every wrong until the usurper 
entered into his family arrangements. Further inter- 
ference spelt immediate revolt. The Czar had his 
choice of allowing the democracy of the villages to con- 
tinue, or seeing the whole country become free. To hold 
his job, he submitted time and again, but in revengeful 
retaliation tried to shut out all light, information, and 
intelligence from the villages. Education was taboo; 
books were prohibited; newspapers, pamphlets, etc., had 
to be circulated in secrecy. There were few railroads, 
no good roads, no privacy in the mails, and all who 
travelled were under suspicion. There were few isolated 
farmhouses, virtually all tillers of the soil living in 
villages. Their sons sometimes went to the large 
centres to learn to read and think. To remember is an 
inherited faculty and needs no training. And such 
memories! A sister violated, a babe starving, a mid- 
night attack, murder, homes in flames, Siberia, prison, 
death! Oh, the memories! Well might the potentate 
tremble in his palace! The accumulated resentment 
of the centuries must fall upon his head. Someone has 
said : 

There is a spirit of resistance implanted by God in the breast of 
man proportioned to the size of the wrongs he is destined to endure. 

The Russians were not only poor — they were paupers. 
Even the windmills were owned in common, while the 
flocks of sheep and cattle were so few that one lone child 


could tend the entire possessions of a village. Surround- 
ing each village was a stockade and one could neither 
leave nor enter without first reporting to the authorities. 
The huts were plastered inside and out with mud and 
thatched with grasses and straw. Each hut had but a 
single door and two rooms — its size 15 by 30 feet. The 
cattle, pigs, chickens, etc., were kept in the entrance 
room, the family and boarders living in the inside cham- 
ber. The whole family group, a dozen or more, herded 
together under unspeakable conditions. In many parts 
of Russia wood is scarce. If you open the door for 
air, this means fuel. Fuel costs money, labour, effort — 
aye, more, it means less food for the hungry — hence, 
no open doors or windows. The smell of the cattle and 
swine, the odour of crowded humanity, the crowding 
together of both sexes in a little room, some of whom 
were not even relatives — vision the picture and imagine 
the result yourself. The furniture — a table, a bench 
or shelf around the wall, the top of the Russian stove 
reserved as a sleeping place for the old. They eat, 
sleep, breed, are born and die in this room! 

The health conditions are unbelievable. Syphilis 
has become a terrible scourge in Russia. According 
to the American Social Hygiene Association, "Sixty 
per cent, of syphilis in Russia is acquired through lack 
of decent living conditions and a gross ignorance of 
personal hygiene. The disease has largely lost its 
characteristics as a sexual disease, because it is so gen- 
erally contracted outside of sexual relations. In some 
villages every man, woman, and child is infected." 

In describing how widespread the scourge has be- 


come in Russia, Vedder in his work on "Syphilis and 
PubHc Health" says: 

In the Parafiew District, consisting of six villages with a popula- 
tion of 9,500, only about 5 per cent, of the people are not syphilitic. 

My experience as mayor of Seattle, when I had super- 
vision of the quarantine of several hundred diseased 
men and women, gives me full realization of the effect 
this disease must have in Russia. Even under the most 
approved, scientific, and modern treatment adminis- 
tered under the supervision of Dr. J. S. McBride, as 
Commissioner of Health of the city of Seattle, the 
effects of the disease were only too apparent. In many 
instances, paresis, locomotor ataxia, and feeble-minded- 
ness developed despite the best of care and treatment. 
We found that in practically every instance the disease 
had destroyed most of the attributes of the manhood 
or womanhood as well as the moral fibre of the patient! 

The terrible effects of this disease raging rampant 
throughout Russia can hardly be imagined. It surely 
has left its impress on the moral, mental, and physi- 
cal condition of the Russian people. Smallpox is so 
prevalent in Russia that one seldom meets, in Seattle, 
an emigrant from that country who does not bear its 
marks on his countenance. Infectious and contagious 
diseases have unrestricted range, as quarantine regula- 
tions, etc., are practically unknown. 

The clothing worn by the Russian peasants is of the 
cheapest and apparently is never discarded. The av- 
erage Russian farmer not only has too few clothes for 
comfort, but too few for decency. His food consists in 


the main of bread and potato soup; his vegetables — 
green cucumbers, sometimes a watermelon; his beverage 
— a drink made from sour bread, with tea once in a 
great while, sometimes a little sugar, while meat is a 
rarity in a country wonderfully adapted to grazing! 
The privilege of picking berries or killing wild game 
was denied them, and straw was mixed with their flour 
to make it more bulky. 

Does any one wonder that Russia was seething with 
revolution? Remember that the women worked in the 
fields even harder than the men and prepared the sparse 
meals as well. Children were often born in the fields, 
but in a period of three or four days the women were 
again at their toil. I am informed that, as a result, most 
Russian women are far from well. The death rate is 
double that of most backward countries. Infants 
die by the thousands from lack of nutrition while many 
of those that survive are undersized. 

The ordinary peasant earned, or rather receivedy about 
one fourth the income of the French peasant. In 
many villages the average family income was less than 
$75.00 per year, half of which went for taxes, direct or 
indirect. When famine came, the milch cows and other 
live stock must either starve to death or be sold. They 
were usually mortgaged, the money going to the money 
lender. Each succeeding year sees the community 
just that much more unfit for the struggle. And while 
the people starved the export of grain continued. 
The year 1906, a famine year, showed an actual in- 
crease in the export of food products. While we, in 
this country, were bitterly complaining of hard times 


in 1907, nearly one hundred million people in Russia 
were facing death through starvation. 

Ten years ago economists of note calculated that with 
the same efforts at cultivation as exist in the United 
States, Russia could support a population of two hun- 
dred and fifty million people in comfort and decency. 
To-day, the figures must be increased at least 50 per 
cent, on account of the superior equipment and modern 
improvements which have been inaugurated since that 

Not only is the peasant unable to raise enough food 
to feed himself from the land allotted him, but with 
the help of his labour sold to the big holders of land 
near the village he is still in the circumstances depicted 
— a pauper on the verge of starvation every second or 
third year. 

To any one who may question my facts in relation to 
Russia I desire to say that I have talked with dozens 
of men from villages all over Russia, who, by some 
miracle, escaped thraldom and came to the United 
States. Not only is the story here told not exagger- 
ated, but it is literally discounted and understated. 
No man in America could be made to believe the truth 
without actually visioning the misery, poverty, and 
degradation that the Government of the czars brought 
to the Russian people. 

Schools there were none, or practically none. Educa- 
tion was as much restricted to the cities as the supplying 
of gas. Ignorance prevailed everywhere. Only the 
revolutionists taught the people anything. To these 
villagers came the socialist, the anarchist, the syndical- 


ist and the bolshevist ! No wonder they were welcomed ! 
Revolutionists brought them dreams of a paradise on 
earth, dreams of a country without landlords, dreams of 
plenty, dreams of peace, dreams of clothing, dreams of an 
education for the children, dreams of rest and comfort 
and happiness and peace. Welcome ? Of course they 
were welcome, thrice welcome ! Listen ? Of course they 
listened. Believed? Yes, they believed. Go to any jail 
and say to the prisoners: "If you all do this to-morrow 
or the day after, you will be free!" Try it! You will 
find that even the deaf will hear and understand! 

I have no quarrel with men demanding freedom and 
liberty and equal rights. I love such men and so do 
you. I have no quarrel with the revolutionists of 
Russia. Wendell Phillips said: 

Revolutions are not made, they come. A revolution is as natural 
a growth as an oak. It comes out of the past. Its foundations are 
laid far back. 

My quarrel is with the men who, after the people had 
secured control of the Government and stood ready 
to elect a constituent assembly by secret, equal, and 
universal suffrage, overthrew the people's Government 
by force, by means of a small militant minority, and in- 
stituted a government of the few, by the few, and for the 

The darkest page in the history of the world is not 
the blood-stained story of the czars, though God knows 
that is bad enough; it is not the story of the Sultan 
of Turkey; it is not the story of the rule of any czars 
or kings or emperors — but it is the story of the betrayal 


of the great Russian people by Lenin, the greatest hang- 
man in history, and his autocratic, czar-imitating 

Here was a great, patient people, silent and long- 
sufFering, with centuries of sorrow and want and poverty 
ingrained in their very souls; their brains darkened by 
oppression; stunted, half of the East, half of the West, 
half man, half child; and at last, through untold sacrifice, 
opportunity comes — freedom, self-government, is in 
their grasp; a constituent assembly is to be chosen, 
universal suffrage has been gained, everything is ready 
for the world's greatest experiment — and then, a few 
ne'er-do-wells, a few fanatics, a few scoundrels, who 
had claimed for years to be friends of liberty, tear the 
cup from their lips, steal their hardly won freedom, 
institute a reign of czarism turned upside down, make 
slaves of the people, and betray those who trusted them! 

Judas betrayed his Saviour, Benedict Arnold betrayed 
military secrets, but Lenin and Trotsky and the bolshe- 
vists betrayed one hundred and eighty million free 
people, and by assassination and force drove them back 
into slavery. History will condemn the Czar, but he 
was supporting his creed and his class; the leaders of 
Germany plunged the world into war, but Lenin and 
Trotsky betrayed their own blood-brothers into slavery 
and took the positions of slave drivers and executioners 
for themselves! The ox that heads his fellows under 
the kilHng-hammer in the Chicago stockyards is a God 
by comparison! Murderers of men have ever been 
execrated by mankind, but how much more will future 
generations in Russia despise these men who, with 


words of friendship and love on their Hps, stole a 
people's birthright and murdered the hope and happi- 
ness of millions? 

The Duma was dissolved because it asked the Czar 
to observe his own proclamation. In this manifesto 
he said, as you will recall: 

We obligate the Government to fulfill our unchangeable will as 
follows: 1st, The population is to be given the inviolable founda- 
tion of civil rights based on the inviolability of the person, freedom of 
belief, of speech, of organization and meeting . . . The work- 
ing out of the principle of universal suffrage will be left to the new 
legislative body. . . . No law can be put into effect without 
the consent of the Duma. 

On the tenth day of March, 1906, the Czar convoked 
the legislative assembly but no legislative work was 
accomplished. The Czar simply wanted a consultative 
assembly, while the Duma wanted to be the whole 
government. The Czar's friends had, in the meantime, 
started a series of the worst massacres in the history of 
Russia. The Duma demanded control of the officials 
of the Government and punishment of the guilty leaders. 
The Czar dissolved the Duma. A typically Russian 
situation ! 

The Second Duma was convened, but its only law 
worthy of mention was the Electoral Law. After the 
dissolution of the Second Duma, the Czar by decree 
modified this law. The Encyclopaedia Britannica says 
in relation to the acts of the First and Second Dumas: 

As for the revolutionary "intellectuals" without the level of 
agrarian discontent, they were practically powerless, the more so as 
their political activity consisted mainly in "building theories for 


an imaginary world." The bourgeois revolutionists of France had 
all been philosophers, but their philosophy had at least paid lip- 
service to "reason," the Russian revolutionists who formed the 
majority of the First and Second Dumas, as though inspired by the 
exalted nonsense preached by Tolstoi, subordinated reason to senti- 
ment until — their impracticable temper having been advertised 
to all the world — it became easy for the Government to treat them 
as a mere excrescence on the national life, a malignant growth to be 
removed by a necessary operation. 

Apparently, the get-it-all-at-once crowd demanded 
too much and got nothing! 

The Third Duma came into being December 14, 1907, 
and lasted nine years. As a result of the restrictions on 
the right of suffrage, it was composed of landlords and 
supporters of the Czar. The people saw through the 
transparent evasion of the promises of the Czar, 
but the time came when even this assembly, hand- 
picked as it was, fought with courage against the Czar 
himself. A few reforms were inaugurated, but the time 
for gradual change had passed. Naught but a cataclysm 
would satisfy the repressed millions. It was in vain 
that the Government enacted legislation tending to 
assist the modernization of Russia. The people had 
lost faith in their rulers. Everyone, except an infini- 
tesimal few, wanted czarism wiped off the earth. 

John Spargo in his book "Bolshevism" says: 

The period 1906-14 was full of despair for sensitive and aspiring 
souls. The steady and rapid rise in the suicide rate bore grim and 
eloquent testimony to the character of those years of dark repression. 
The number of suicides in St. Petersburg increased during the period 
1905-09 more than 400 per cent.; in Moscow, about 800 per cent. 
In the latter city two fifths of the suicides in 1908 were of persons 
less than twenty years old! 


Czarism maintained itself by employing the armed 
forces of the empire against the helpless and unarmed 
people. Those who could, sought asylum in foreign 
lands. In 1901, 85,000 Russians came to the United 
States; in 1907, 259,000, and in 1913, 295,000. Of the 
3,300,000 immigrants who have come to the United 
States from Russia during the past century, 2,500,000 
came during the period 1900 to 1914. 

Our country has about twice the population per 
square mile that Russia has and yet the people of Russia 
come to a country twice as crowded because our Gov- 
ernment is a free government under which every man 
and woman has equal rights. No better commentary 
on the value and worth of our institutions could be 

You will note that 75 per cent, of the emi- 
grants from Russia to the United States came here 
after the desire and need of freedom and liberty had 
become apparent to them. The more one considers 
the idiotic rule of the late Czar and his cohorts and the 
length of time they were able to control the destinies 
of the Russian people, the less one believes in the near- 
at-hand establishment of a government in Russia based 
upon freedom, liberty, and equal rights for all. 

These people allowed themselves to be kept in sub- 
jection by a very ordinary, ignorant, feeble product 
of the most corrupt court in Christendom. He was 
not even a strong despot, being helpless when pitted 
against his nobles or his German wife. He canonized 
a monk who had been dead for half a century, believing 
that he had successfully pleaded with God to send him 


a male heir. He refused to learn from the story of the 
past; used his full power to befog the lessons of the 
present, and apparently believed that upon the structure 
of violence and tyranny he would be able to control 
the future! Poor fool! 

"Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap."* 
The ruling powers of Russia had shoved all their chips 
into the centre of the table; they had drawn all the 
cards they could draw; their hand was but a "four- 
flush." The only question was when the people 
would call their bluff. Called — they knew they must 
lay down their hand and retire! Nothing but a fight, 
with the consequent breaking up of the game, could 
put off the end ! 

y^nd that is exactly what occurred. 

*GaIs. y'l-y. 



In JUNE, 1914, I was in the office of the Spokesman 
Review in Spokane. The telegrapher lazily turned 
around and announced that a prince, whose name he 
could not quite make out, had been assassinated at 
Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. The office force yawned 
and went on with their work. The editor and myself 
hardly checked our conversation. A prince more or 
less, what did it really amount to anyway? It was so 
far away — and yet, the death of a man on the other side 
of the earth was all the spark needed to bring about a 
world conflagration. War was declared. 

Russia came to life. The wavering fortunes of czar- 
ism seemed to receive new life. The country became 
an armed camp. Temple bells tolled in the one hun- 
dred and nine thousand villages; priests gathered their 
flocks; peasants and workers and landlords alike be- 
came, for the time being, one — ^with but a single thought 
apparently, and that thought the protection of the 
frontiers of Russia. All the people knew was that 
war with Germany was on. Where the war was, how 
far away, what kind of people were at war, few knew. 

The soldiers gathered while the officials began to 



wind and unwind red tape. Certain preparations were 
made. Money was poured out like water; factories 
producing railroad supplies, etc., began to turn out, or 
try to turn out, guns; no provision being made, however, 
for the industrial necessities of a long war. No one 
thought it would last for any length of time. Russia 
was face to face with her ancient enemy, Germany. 
It looked as though war would cement the hostile 
factions. The leading men in court circles were Ger- 
mans; the Czarina was a German princess; many of the 
military leaders were also German, and as we look 
backward, one cannot help but believe that the prepara- 
tions were insincere and were purposely held back and 
made inefficiently. 

Millions joined the army. The peasantry, untrained 
and only partially armed, always half starved and mis- 
erably led, obeyed orders, and their lives were the sacri- 
fice offered on the altar by the Czar. 

Armies in the front trenches had but one gun for two 
and sometimes four soldiers. The unarmed waited until 
the armed were killed and then grasped the rifles from 
the dying. If an officer showed ability, he was sent 
back into interior villages where he could give no help. 
The defeated generals were promoted; the successful 
ones demoted. The weakest battalions were placed 
in trying positions; those of experience were bivouacked 
miles from the front. The wholesale murder by the 
efficient Germans at the front was materially aided by 
the pro-Germans in the rear. 

Box cars were sent empty from Vladivostock to 
Petrograd to get their numbers painted, then sent back 


again empty, across half the earth, to receive a load. 
There was little organization, no real spirit. Incom- 
petence and criminal negligence were the rule — not the 
exception. And yet the soldiers, dumb, patient, brave, 
fought to the death. The swamps of the Mazurian 
Lakes, the drive into Galicia, the battles in the ice and 
snow, all alike proved the natural courage of the soldiers 
and the lack of ability and the criminal conspiracy of 
the leaders. It was a nightmare of blood and murder; 
of useless sacrifice and bravery; of death and sorrow! 
A human life was held at less than a sack of wheat 
and men were punished by standing them unarmed in 
the front lines under the fire of the German machine 
guns. It was a most brutal exhibition of ruthlessness 
by the rulers, not against another people, but against 
their own flesh and blood. 

The Russian soldiery fought bravely, but when the 
efficient German murder machine really got under way, 
defeat followed defeat, retreat succeeded retreat, and 
hundreds and thousands of falsely led, poorly armed, 
and half-starved Russians were killed; millions of others 
were in open revolt. The people back home knew that 
their brothers were being slaughtered — knew that the 
officers were fighting for Germany and not for Russia, 
and they demanded a reform in military affairs. No 
such reform, however, was forthcoming. The rulers 
had unprepared too well. 

By 191 7, defeat appeared certain. Strike after strike 
took place, culminating in a general strike as a protest 
against the unfairness shown in the distribution of food. 
The people believed there was enough bread if it was 


properly and fairly distributed. The soldiery stood 
with the people. 

Revolution began on March lo, 1917. The Czar or 
his underlings had planned too well the defeat of Russia. 
In accomplishing it they destroyed the officers, who 
came almost entirely from the ranks of the nobility and the 
richer classes. The result was that new officers and 
line soldiers who came direct from the oppressed people 
became the leaders, the thinkers, the doers; and when 
the Government was attacked, these men with the 
memories of centuries of oppression burned into their very 
soulsj turned their rifles and persuaded their soldiers to 
fight against the ruling class and not against their own 
brethren. Such was the result of czarism; such the 
well-earned reward that autocracy and oppression al- 
ways receive under like circumstances! 

On March 12, 1917, the famous Preprazkensky regi- 
ment refused to fire on the revolutionary crowds, and 
mutinied. Other soldiers who were brought up to 
suppress the insurrection took the side of the revolu- 
tionists. Practically all the regiments quartered in 
Petrograd assisted joyfully in the Government's over- 
throw. Other soldiers were called from the front, but 
those who had already taken sides with the people 
fraternized with them and won their support. 

On March 17, 1917, the Czar said he had had enough 
and the Duma instituted a provisional government, 
Kerensky being named Minister of Justice and Gutcho- 
koff Minister of War. 

Czarism was overthrown, as it should have been 
overthrown centuries before. Russia was ready for a 


representative form of government at least a century 
before the revolution. Had it been granted, Russia 
to-day would be in the forefront of human society; 
denied, as it was, the people went to extremes in exact 
proportion to their repression. 

GutchokofF soon resigned, because the self-appointed 
Council of Workmen and Soldiers' Deputies had de- 
manded the right to vise his orders. Kerensky then 
became Minister of War. Among his first orders he 
issued a decree abolishing the death penalty in the army. 
This completely demoralized the army and it gradually 
became an unorganized, unled mob. The German 
propagandists circulated forged newspapers and pamph- 
lets among the peasant soldiery, telling them that the 
land back home was being divided and the Government 
wanted them to hurry home so they could get their 
share. They threw away their arms, ofttimes killed 
their officers, and started for home. The army became 
a rabble! 

Kerensky, the people's idol, became the head of the 
Government. Universal suffrage and the right of rep- 
resentation had come to the people of Russia. An 
election was called to choose members of a constituent 
assembly. All men and all women could vote. Russia 
was free, but the people did not understand the differ- 
ence between liberty and license. The jump from ruth- 
less repression to liberty came so quickly that they were 

The Czar's regime had forced the Russian people 
into but two classes — the very rich and the very poor, 
the poor outnumbering the rich many fold. There was 


but a very small middle class and they, almost to a 
man, aided the poor in their fight for freedom. 

Of course, the people expected from the new Govern- 
ment more than any government could do. The as- 
sembly to be elected must be truly representative of all 
Russia. Few realized that a government is necessarily 
a pauper and lives only by the contributions of the peo- 
ple. Few knew that happiness and prosperity must 
come from service and work and not from the mere 
passing of resolutions. 

What an opportunity for the Lenins and Trotskys to 
assist in the formation of a truly representative govern- 
ment! What a chance to show vision and breadth and 
world bigness! The people, held so long in darkness 
and sleep, suddenly awoke. They expected everything — 
Utopia by wireless, food by law, education by immediate 
absorption, crops without planting, sustenance without 
toil! Liberty, to them, meant license — wealth, simply 
for the taking. The golden opportunity for the men 
who had fought against autocracy was now at hand. 
They could have assisted Kerensky, could have ex- 
plained the manifold difficulties, could have counselled 
patience and love, instead of hurry and hate, but they 
did no such thing. 

From the prisons of Siberia came the thousands of 
political exiles who, in their youth, had embraced the 
fantastic doctrines of anarchy. In prison they did not 
progress, or learn by bitter experience that human na- 
ture has its limitations and frailties. They came from 
Siberia teaching the untried, and, in fact, exploded doc- 
trines of their youthful enthusiasm, beginning in the 


same state of mind as when exiled. All government 
meant to them was persecution, wrong, force, violence. 

Nikolai Lenin was, at the time, in Switzerland. The 
German Government furnished him with a special train 
across Germany in order that he might enter Russia 
and assist in the overthrow of Kerensky which Ger- 
many deemed essential to its cause, as one of the first 
acts of the Kerensky Government was to pledge Rus- 
sia's allegiance to the cause of the Allies and to the 
continuance of the war against Germany. Money was 
furnished him and such as he in unlimited quantities 
and every aid was given him both by the monarchical 
party in Russia and by the rulers of Germany, in order 
that he might successfully combat the establishment of 
a constitutional government in Russia. 

They had picked their man well. Lenin was un- 
scrupulous and determined to establish a bolshevist 
or syndicalist form of government. The monarchists 
believed that if they could establish a dictatorship 
under their friend Lenin, they would be able to over- 
throw such a form of government at any time they 
chose and reestablish czarism once more in Russia. 
For centuries the German plan had been to keep Rus- 
sia in a backward economic condition. They wanted 
Russia to continue furnishing an ever-increasing supply 
of raw material for their factories, whose product was 
to be sold in turn to unprogressive, non-industrial Rus- 
sia. If Russia became an industrial nation they be- 
lieved she would be Germany's greatest trade rival. 
Russia free meant poverty for Germany, they thought. 

Lenin never denied having received German gold. 


His apologists say that he would have accepted bribes 
from any one for use in furthering his propaganda and 
that while apparently serving Germany he planned all 
the time to cheat Germany of the fruits of its bribes 
by continuing the Bolshevist Government indefinitely. 

From every part of the world came other dreamers, 
adventurers, criminals — filled to the Adam's apple with 
book-taught panaceas and selfish purposes — all wanting 
to get home to Russia and get home quick in order to try 
their individual plan, their scheme! 

Russia was like a patient brought to a clinic of un- 
educated and inexperienced surgeons, with plenty of 
knives to cut with but with no healing ointments. All 
diagnosed the case differently. All wanted to operate 
on diflFerent parts of the patient. Disagreements, re- 
criminations, hatred, were the order of the day. From 
our own shores the refugee anarchists who had sought 
shelter in America returned. Trotsky tried to get back. 
Our Government for a time refused him passports until 
Kerensky himself, believing in the reasonableness of 
mankind, asked our Government to allow Trotsky's 
return, in order that he might help him and help Russia. 
We said "all right" and Trotsky and a hundred thou- 
sand others Hke him returned home to try out their 
street-corner theories of no government. The present 
Russian Government may well be said to be that of the 
soap-boxers of the world. 

Upon their return to Russia they immediately began 
an organized attempt to overthrow majority rule. 
Those who had never been able properly to conduct 
a peanut stand advocated that they be placed in charge 


of two hundred million people! The dregs of the world 
gathered and demanded that they be made autocrats! 
Loud-voiced, plausible, full of the catch phrases of class 
hatred, they found a ready response among many, but 
well they knew that the Russian peasant stood not for 
anarchy but order, decency, and a stable, central- 
ized government. They believed they were especially 
anointed to rule' the ignorant. They felt the people 
were not fit to rule. They were to be the chosen shep- 
herds of the flock, and if the flock did not appreciate 
these self-chosen place seekers, it was the flock's fault 
and not the shepherds'! They preached free speech, 
free press, equal pay, confiscation of all wealth, death 
to the intelligent, plenty of rest, lots of food, and every- 
thing else that might gain support, and still they re- 
mained in a hopeless minority. 

There was but one course left for these agitators. 
They would overthrow the Government; they would 
have a counter revolution; they would gain control of 
the food and ammunition supplies in Petrograd and 
then they would seize the reins of power and inaugurate 
a dream government from which all blessings would 
flow. They talked not of production, but of division; 
not of producing food, but of eating it; not of making 
clothes, but of wearing them; not of labour, but of rest. 

Kerensky, apparently, did not realize that there can 
be no compromise between government and men who 
hate all government; that there can be no common 
meeting ground between law and order and anarchy; 
that kindness and conciliation are not only wasted eflFort, 
but are absolutely dangerous when your opponents are 


enemies of all law and order. He talked and wrote and 
preached and did everything but use the only weapon 
anarchists understand, which is force — and plenty of it! 

Whenever any one tries to usurp authority, the offi- 
cials have but one duty to perform, and that is, obey 
their oath. A government that will not defend itself can- 
not stand! Minority rule is based per se on the proposi- 
tion that the majority are too ignorant to rule. Ker- 
ensky faltered and altered, pleaded and then threatened. 
He tried the impossible and failed. Hesitating to shed 
blood, his hesitation caused the murder of innocent 
thousands; refusing to imprison the bad, he Hved to see 
the good and innocent jailed! With sickly sentiment- 
ality as his watchword and vague speeches for his edged 
tool, he saw a small militant band of adolescent "intel- 
lectuals" seize control of a government which he had 
not the courage to protect! 

Our ambassador to Russia, David R. Francis, says 
that Kerensky made his fatal mistake when he did 
not use force to destroy the power and influence of the 
bolshevists at an uprising on the third and fourth of 
July, 1917. He felt that Kerensky should have im- 
prisoned Lenin and Trotsky at this time and punished 
them as traitors to the country. 

If the same red blood had coursed through the body 
of Kerensky that pulsed through the veins of Theodore 
Roosevelt, Russia to-day would be a free, self-governing 
republic, immune by its immensity from any foreign foe 
and protected from great internal troubles by the free- 
dom granted to the people. His weakness, however, 
does not excuse the betrayers of Russia. On every 


street corner in the world, in millions of pamphlets, they 
had declaimed for freedom, liberty, and equal rights, for 
a government of love and not of force, for free speech, 
free press, etc. 

Lenin and Trotsky, with made-in-Germany propa- 
ganda, planned to be The Government. Make no mis- 
take about that! Lenin knew what he wanted, and 
believing in direct action, if opportunity offered, would 
take it. With no moral scruples or conscience to check 
him, he determined to try, once more, the exploded doc- 
trines of syndicalism. Poor Russia was to be the patient 
and Germany the gainer, no matter what happened. 

Three weeks before the Constituent Assembly was to 
be elected Kerensky's Government was overthrown 
by a militant minority and a reign of arson, murder, 
force, violence, repression, hatred, and theft took its 
place. A dictatorship of the proletariat was announced 
and Lenin became the Dictator. 

Kerensky ran away. 


The election for the Constituent Assembly had been 
called for November twenty-fifth. Lenin and the bol- 
shevists at first believed that they would be able to win at 
the polls; hence, they spoke in favour of the Assembly, 
but as election day drew near they sensed that they were 
in a hopeless minority and began to talk of the ignorance 
of the masses and adopted repressive measures in order 
that the bolshevist side might win. They were against 
universal suffrage, but felt they were not strong enough 
to stop the holding of the election. 


They used Mexican political methods, including all 
means of suppression and the use of governmental in- 
fluence, but when election day rolled around, thirty-six 
million free men and women of Russia went to the polls 
and chose their representatives to meet on December 
twelfth and establish a stable government by adopting 
a constitution and laws for all Russia. Less than two 
hundred thousand bolshevist votes were cast out of the 
thirty-six million. 

Lenin and Trotsky found themselves in a hopeless 
minority. It was certain that the Constituent As- 
sembly would adopt a constitution and laws which 
would drive them from power. It was certain that a 
government of the majority would be established and 
that, under majority rule, the dictatorship of Lenin 
and Trotsky would cease. The elected members were 
to meet December 12, 191 7. On December eleventh 
the Cadets (Constitutional Democrats) who were in 
Petrograd were arrested by order of Lenin, as counter- 
revolutionists. Many others went into hiding, afraid 
to appear at the appointed meeting place. The Govern- 
ment of the Soap Boxers refused to permit the meeting of 
the popularly elected representatives of the people. 

On January eighteenth, with 423 members present, 
the Constituent Assembly finally attempted to hold a 
meeting. A great many members had been terrorized 
and driven away by fear of imprisonment and death. 
Lenin believed that he and his could control and ma- 
nipulate the balance for their own purposes. Ambas- 
sador Francis says: "There was a great demonstration 
in Petrograd on the part of the people to manifest 


their joy on the assembhng of a constituent assembly.** 
The bolshevists were in the minority in the Assembly 
notwithstanding the Cadets had not come and some 
of the social revolutionists of the Right (Moderates) 
were not present. 

But when the first vote was taken for election of offi- 
cers, despite the armed forces of the Reds which 
surrounded the building and filled the corridors, the bol- 
shevists could muster only 140 votes out of 423. As usual 
they refused to submit to the decision of the majority 
and withdrew from the hall, the loyal members electing 
TchemofF as presiding officer. A drunken sailor from 
the bolshevist ranks was then sent into the chamber 
and announced: "I am tired of this business. We want 
to go to bed. We will give you ten minutes more." 

The delegates were forced to leave the hall, and when 
they attempted to assemble again to establish a govern- 
ment for Russia on a sane and stable basis, they found 
the Bolshevist Government in charge of the Duma 
hall, holding it down and refusing admittance to any 
of their members! 

By means of force the bolshevists defeated the attempt 
of the people of Russia to establish for themselves a repre- 
sentative form of government. 

On page 945 of the published proceedings of the 
Senate Investigating Committee, entitled "Bolshevik 
Propaganda, " I find the following question and answer 
by Senator Knute Nelson and Ambassador Francis: 

Senator Nelson: "Has the Bolshevik Government, 
since that time, ever attempted to have a constituent 
assembly elected or meet ? ** 


Mr. Francis: "No, sir. They have never since that 
time had a constituent assembly, or called an election 
for a constituent assembly." 

Backward and downward has ever been their motto, 
instead of onward and upward. The picture presented 
to the Russian people by Lenin et al. was like unto the 
spectacle one saw at the theatre in my boyhood — all 
gilt and glitter; beautiful maidens; powerful warriors; 
shining swords and armour! The reality was but tinsel, 
painted women, padded tights, imitation tin swords, 
dressed-up extra men daubed with glistening paint, 
and dressing rooms reeking with the smell of cigarettes 
and stale beer! 

But Lenin found that "he who overcomes by force 
hath overcome but half his foe." There is something 
implanted in the very marrow of humankind that re- 
sents dictatorship, and Lenin soon saw that running a 
government differed from destroying one. It is so easy 
to find fault — to destroy; so difficult to build up. A 
man with a stick of dynamite may destroy the work of 
a century! Monuments are erected to the construc- 
tors, the doers; not to the destroyers and fault-finders. 

Lenin flew the Red Flag to secure office, but immedi- 
ately adopted, by his deeds, the Black Flag to maintain 
himself and his supporters. Irresponsibility begets 
bitter criticism — responsibility soon teaches the critic 
the difficulties! Lenin had stood Russia on her head 
and gone through her pockets! It was now up to him 
to feed and employ the people, but Russia was under 
the control of the fault-finders, the critics, the wreckers 
and wranglers who, all their lives having preached the 


doctrine of destruction, of course, knew nothing of how 
to solve the problems of reconstruction. The unarmed 
people were left helpless and almost starving. The 
armed were fed, clothed, and given a perpetual holiday. 
The bourgeoisie were few and had been pampered by 
special privileges for generations until they were unfit 
to lead, unready to act, full ripe to submit. The peasan- 
try, scattered over one sixth of the earth's surface, had 
but little cohesion. Arms there were none; food there 
was little; leadership was lacking, and ever present was 
the fear that those who could lead, and would lead, 
would lead back to czarism. 

The people, long accustomed to being ruled by force, 
submitted in a measure. When they resisted, they 
were either sent to prison or murdered. Under the name 
of freedom the worst autocracy in the world's history 
ruled triumphant. Force and violence, assassination 
and theft became hourly occurrences. All publications 
which spoke against the present czars were suppressed; 
not only the ordinary papers, but socialist papers met 
the same fate. Free speech came to mean speech 
that suited Lenin. Equal rights there were none and 
universal suffrage became a memory. 

Russia had been very ill for centuries but the cure 
of Lenin, the Quack, became worse than the disease. 
Russia did not benefit by trading Nicholas II for Nikolai I. 
Song and laughter departed from the country. The 
people found that cloth sometimes looks good in 
the bolt but wears poorly when made into a suit of 
clothes. One does not get maple sap out of a mongrel 
fir; nor could it be expected that men who would accept 


bribes to betray their own people would change their 
nature and play square if it was more profitable to be 
crooked. Where the thought is bad, the act is worse! 

Private rights were destroyed. The equal-pay myth 
lasted but a short time and, step by step, Lenin was 
forced to retract his valiant promises of the days of agi- 
tation. He who was against all armament was forced 
to maintain a great Red army in order to overawe and 
control the majority. He said all land should belong 
to all the people, yet already there is a distribution of 
ownership based on an attempt to hold the support 
of the peasantry. He advocated control of factories by 
the workers, but so small did their product become that 
to-day, in Russia, the worker is a slave who can neither 
change nor quit his job. He advocated the creation 
of a free and voluntary league, but instead created a 
dictatorship which destroyed all who objected. 

But despite the overwhelming evidence printed in 
the papers and magazines of the world, it is probably 
necessary to quote in exact language — in their own 
language — ^just what the bolshevists of Russia promised; 
just what they have done and just what they are doing. 
There may be some question about the guilt of one who 
pleads "Not guilty," but there can be no question about 
the guilt of theRussian bolshevists who not only have 
pleaded "Guilty," but brag of their infamy! 

The apologists of bolshevism in our country have 
striven hard to protect before the bar of public opinion 
of our people their ruthless friends in Russia. They 
have, as I said before, made claims for the bolshevists 
that the bolshevists themselves indignantly deny. The 


American (?) liar is prone to claim that the majority of 
the people of Russia were in favour of bolshevism when 
Kerensky was overthrown. The preceding facts show 
this to be false. They claim the bolshevists believe 
and practise democracy. I quote what the socialist, 
William English Walling, has to say on this point in his 
work: "Russia's Message," written in 1907 after having 
talked with Lenin: 

I was shocked to find that this important leader also, though he 
expects a full cooperation with the peasants on equal terms during 
the revolution, feels toward them a very deep distrust, thinking 
them to a large extent bigoted and blindly patriotic, and fearing 
that they may some day shoot down the revolutionary workingmen 
as the French peasants did during the Paris Commune. 

The chief basis for this distrust is, of course, the prejudiced feeling 
that the peasants are not likely to become good socialists. It is 
on account of this feeling that Lenin and all the social democratic 
leaders place their hopes on a future development of modem large 
agricultural estates in Russia and the increase of the landless agri- 
cultural working class, which alone they believe would prove truly 
socialist. At the same time, Lenin is far more open-minded on the 
subject than the leaders formerly in control of the party and con- 
ceded it was possible that such peasants or farmers as were not at 
the same time employers might join in a future socialist movement. 

We see at the same time that their leading political party expects 
the city working people to maintain the chief role and that the con- 
fidence of the leaders of this party in the peasantry is without any 
deep roots. 

On the same page Mr. Walling says: "Lenin never 
did believe in democracy, nor does he practise it." 

A democracy without universal suffrage ? Impossible, 
you say, of course, but in the very constitution itself, 
published in the Nation and reproduced by the Seattle 
Union Record — that paper with neither a soul nor a coun- 


try — the following exceptions occur on page 13, Article 
4, Chapter 13, under the heading, "The Right to Vote": 

65. The following persons enjoy neither the right to vote nor the 
right to be voted for, namely: 

(a) Persons who have an income without doing any work, such 
as interest from capital, receipts from property, etc. 

(b) Private merchants, trade and commercial brokers. 

(c) Monks and clergy of all denominations. 

(d) Employees and agents of the former, the gendarme corps and 
the Okhrana (Czar's secret service), also members of the former 
reigning dynasty. 

(e) Persons who have in legal form been declared demented or 
mentally deficient and also persons under guardianship. 

(f) Persons who have been deprived, by a soviet, of their rights 
of citizenship because of selfish or dishonourable offences, for the 
period fixed by the sentence. 

Note particularly article (f) : "Persons who have been 
deprived, by a soviet, of their rights of citizenship be- 
cause of selfish or dishonourable oflFences, for the period 
fixed by the sentence." In other words, we have a 
soviet, our opponents have a majority; they will over- 
throw us unless disfranchised. Therefore, we dis- 
franchise them for as long a time as we see fit. There 
is no appeal. Under this article hundreds and thou- 
sands of men who have disagreed have been deprived 
of their suffrage and right to hold office, simply because 
the inverted czarism of Lenin must stifle democracy. 
Think of it! Any merchant, or priest, or minister is 
deprived of his vote, even though he be a member of the 
army or navy! A soldier or sailor cannot vote or hold 
office if he receives rent, interest, or profit, or employs 
a labourer to help him till the soil. 


I quote again from an article by Lenin himself, pub- 
lished in April, 191 8, in the New International, an 
American bolshevist publication: 

The word democracy cannot be scientifically applied to the Com- 
munist Party. Since March, 1917, the word democracy is simply 
a shackle fastened upon the revolutionary nation and preventing it 
from establishing boldly, freely, regardless of all obstacles {such or 
the people's will), a new form of power — the Council of Workmen, 
Soldiers and Peasants' Deputies, harbinger of the abolition of every 
form of authority. 

Also in January, 1917, Lenin said: 

Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under czarism dominated the 
130,000,000 of Russian peasants, so 200,000 bolsheviki are imposing 
their proletarian will on the mass, but this time in the interest of the 

Nothing can be plainer than that remark unless it be 

A fairly prosperous working man is not a proletariat. 
Only the very poorest peasant or working man can vote. 

In speaking of the restriction of suffrage invoked by 
Lenin and his followers, soon after they seized the power 
of government, Charles Edward Russell in his book, , 
"Bolshevism and the United States," says: 

After the bolshevists had seized the government offices and pro- 
claimed Lenin as Prime Minister, a change was made in the fran- 
chise and the system of election. It had been the boast of intelligent 
Russians that after the Revolution all citizens of Russia, men or 
women, stood upon one plane of equality, in an absolute democracy. 
They were not long allowed such a distinction. The new system 
adopted after the bolshevik coup provided that delegates to the 


provincial Soviets (which elected the delegates to the National 
Soviet) should be chosen on this basis: 

For every 125 soldiers, or Red Guards, as they were called after 
Lenin's triumph, one delegate; 

For every 1,000 factory workers or others belonging to what was 
called the working class, one delegate; 

For every volost, or union of peasants' villages, two delegates. 

Perhaps you do not get the whole meaning of this until you know 
that a volost may contain from 10,000 to 100,000 inhabitants, and 
seldom has fewer than 15,000. Say the average is 20,000, which is a 
low estimate, the popular franchise in Russia would work out thus: 

Every soldier has one vote; 

Every factory worker has one eighth of a vote; 

Every peasant has one eightieth of a vote. 

Our farmers and factory workers would certainly be 
pleased if we had such an arrangement in the United 
States! Offer the American farmer one eightieth of a 
vote and you would be lucky to escape with your life. 

In speaking of the right of assembly, Russell says: 

The Northern Commune of September 13th publishes the decree 
of Zinoviev, one of Lenin's most active and famous assistants, 
covering this matter. 

4. Three days' notice must be given to the soviet, or to the Com- 
mittee of the Village Poor, of all public and private meetings. 

5. All meetings must be open to the representatives of the soviet 
power — viz., the representatives of the Central and District Soviet, 
the Committee of the Poor and the Kommandatur of the Revolu- 

'tionary Secret Police Force. 

This was the same as Bismarck's law, passed in order 
to destroy socialism. So successful was it that in ten 
years the socialists increased in Germany from 350,000 
to 1,600,000. 

When Lenin thought he could control the Constituent 
Assembly he declared himself in favour of it, but when he 


found that his supporters were in a hopeless minority, 
he dispersed the Assembly. Like the Czar? Yes, but 
a Httle worse! 

In Article II, Paragraph 23, of the official Constitu- 
tion, compelled by law to be posted in all public places 
in Russia, I find: 

23. Being guided by the interests of the working class as a whole» 
the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic deprives all individ- 
uals and groups of rights which could be utilized by them to the detriment 
of the socialist revolution. 

The right of free assembly was abolished by Lenin 
and the right of free speech came to mean only the right 
to say those things which would please the ruling power. 
All men who disagreed with Lenin were called counter- 
revolutionists and he filled the prisons with such people. 

A free press is probably as necessary an element in 
maintaining the rights of the people as any other one 
thing, and yet the bolshevists of Russia closed and 
nailed up the printing plants of even the socialist pub- 
lications and threw their editors in jail; and this was 
done despite Paragraph 14 of Chapter V of their own 
Constitution found on page 1161, U. S. Senate investiga- 
tion, "Bolshevik Propaganda," which reads: 

14. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of 
expression of their opinions, the R. S. F. S. R. abolishes the depen- 
dence of the press upon capital and places in the hands of the work- 
ing class and of the poorer elements of the peasantry all the technical 
and material means for the publication of newspapers, pamphlets, 
books, and all other press productions and secures their free circula- 
tion throughout the country. 


Openly repudiating the right of free press, I find 
Lenin advocating in his "Soviets at Work," as printed 
by the Seattle Union Record: 

The merciless suppression of the thoroughly dishonest and in- 
solently slanderous bourgeois press. 

Czar Lenin would brook no criticism, whether by the 
spoken or written word ! 

Later he says, in speaking of the resistance to soviet 
rule through publications in the press of the Cadets: 

The nearer we get to a complete military suppression of the 
bourgeoisie, the more dangerous become for us the petty bourgeois 
anarchic inclinations. They must be combated by compulsion. 

On the same page he says : 

And our rule is too mild, quite frequently resembling jam rather 
than iron. 

And this statement despite his admission of thousands 
of murders. 

Again he complains because. 

Our revolutionary and popular tribunals are excessively and in- 
credibly weak, 

and this despite the fact that thousands were in prisons 
while hundreds of thousands more had been intimidated 
and Lenin-shed blood stained the village greens all over 

Lenin and Trotsky advocated soviet or "group 
control" of factories, but they soon found that the laws 
of nature operated even in Russia. They then decided 


to place the government-owned industries of Russia 
under an autocratic boss and demanded absolute and 
complete "labour control." They blame famine and 
unemployment "on everyone who violates the labour 
discipline in any enterprise and in any business." 

They tried and punished without mercy all men who 
did not obey without question, boasts Lenin on the 
next page of the same book. 

At this point he says: 

The question of principle is, in general, the appointment of in- 
dividuals endowed with unlimited power, the appointment of dicta- 
tors .... etc. 

On the following page he says : 

But how can we secure a strict unity of will? By subjecting the 
will of thousands to the will of one. 

And a little later he adds: 

But at any rate, complete submission to a single will is absolutely 
necessary for the success of the processes of work .... etc. 

On the same page I find this: 

And to-day the same revolution — and indeed the interest of so- 
cialism — demands the absolute submission of the masses to the 
single will of those who direct the labour process. 

One notes that many czarlings of Lenin's creation 
are to control all workers. The workers of Russia, if 
they obey Lenin, have nothing to say as to their hours 
of labour and cannot even quit their jobs. To strike in 
Russia, of course, would be a crime against the State 
and the strikers would be shot. 


In the United States many of the labour unions have 
denounced and fought the "Taylor System," which is 
purported to be the most scientific method of efficient 
production. In our country, piece work has been de- 
nounced as "one of the worst curses Labour has to con- 
tend with." 

In his "Soviets at Work," I find Lenin advocating 
this system for Russia when he says: 

We should immediately introduce piece work and try it out in 
practice. We should try out every scientific and progressive sug- 
gestion of the Taylor System .... etc. 

Instead of Bolshevism bringing freedom to the workers y 
it brought slavery. Instead of independence — sub- 
missive dependence! Instead of equal pay for all 
(the Utopia of the soap-box philosophers) we find that 
Lenin was forced to engage specialists to try and bring 
about order in industry, paying them 25,000 to 50,000, 
yes, even 100,000 rubles per year as he admits in his 

In spite of the repressive measures adopted by Czar 
Nikolai, discipline could not be maintained. Produc- 
tion fell off in many instances 75 to 80 per cent, while the 
people remained hungry, ragged, and even starving. 
During the winter of 191 8 thousands froze to death in a 
country which has more standing timber than any other 
in the world. Thousands more starved to death, al- 
though Russia has much of the most fertile land of the 

From my conversations with returning travellers I 
am convinced that millions would have died of starva- 


tion this year if the production of foodstuffs had de- 
pended on the demorahzed men of Russia. Thousands 
of them spent their time in idleness, riding free on the 
railroads from place to place and receiving small rations 
from the Government. 

The women, however, always in every country more 
conservative and industrious than the men, plowed the 
ground, sowed the seed, and reaped the harvest, thus 
saving Russia from the worst famine in its history. 
When these women get a chance to vote — and that 
chance will come — Quack Lenin and Talker Trotsky will 
lose their jobs and probably come to the United States, 
and, under the beneficent protection of our authorities 
at Washington, become writers for Max Eastman's 
Liberator^ or teachers in the **Rand School of Social 



Ideas are cosmopolitan. They have the liberty of the world. — 

Our land is not more the recipient of the man of all countries than 
of their ideas. — Bancroft. 

When Lenin and Trotsky secured control of Russia 
they felt that their efforts to metamorphize existing 
systems must fail unless the movement became inter- 
national. They knew that their experiment must 
spread or die of dry rot. They knew that the Red Flag 
could not wave on the same planet with our flag, the 
flag of freedom, liberty, and equal rights. Therefore 
with the help of their employer, Germany, they^ set out 
to bring about the overthrow of all other forms of 
government including our own. Their employer fur- 
nished them with unlimited means to destroy other 
governments. Especially was Germany anxious to 
bring about chaotic conditions in countries which were 
at war with her. They proposed to demoralize and 
devitalize the spirit of national patriotism everywhere, 
in order, first, to win the war on the battlefield; and 
second, to win the greater war of trade and expansion 



Lenin and Trotsky were willing workers. They 
were ready to use the methods of propaganda advocated 
and paid for by Germany but their purpose primarily 
was firmly to establish internationally the bolshevist 
government, and they cared not by what means such 
an end was attained. Germany supported the bol- 
shevist counter revolution as did the monarchists of 
Russia, believing that it was an ephemeral thing, would 
fall in a few days, and then absolutism could again take 
the saddle. Germany, as usual, was wrong in judging 
the psychology of men. Lenin and Trotsky, with Ger- 
many's help, secured control of Russia but then estab- 
lished, as we have seen, an autocracy supported, as 
every autocracy must be supported, by an armed force. 
Germany had forgotten that for centuries the Czar had, 
by means of his army, maintained tyranny despite 
the wishes of the people of Russia. Germany appar- 
ently never realized that Lenin would follow in the 
Czar's footsteps, and use the identical methods, only 
made more stringent, to maintain himself in power. 

The moment the bolsheviki disdained popular sup- 
port, repudiated universal suflFrage, and recruited a great 
army that was well fed and paid, that moment Ger- 
many's hope of a temporary bolshevism faded away. 
Bolshevism in Russia will last just so long as her force 
in the field is the strongest force. Argument is of no 
avail. The fact that the majority is against Lenin 
means nothing. The bolsheviki see to it that the 
army is maintained and the army sees to it that bol- 
shevism is maintained! You scratch my back and 
I'll scratch yours! Either a larger force must destroy 


Lenin's army or the army itself must be permeated 
with dissatisfaction and revolt; otherwise the Govern- 
ment as now conducted in Russia will continue in- 
definitely; provided always that food and clothing in 
sufficient quantities are available for the maintenance 
of the health and strength of the soldiers. 

Germany, no doubt, believed that the crushing 
treaty, forced by her upon Russia, would destroy the 
bolshevist regime. She, no doubt, expected to win the 
war and then turn her armed forces against the Red 
Army. However, the fortunes of war went against 
the Teutons and their surrender ended any chance of 
their intervention. 

Just as soon as Lenin firmly held the reins of power, 
he sent his zealots to other countries to spread the 
doctrines of revolution. No land was immune. Ire- 
land, England, Austria, Hungary, Italy, France, Egypt, 
India, etc., as well as our own land, received their quota 
of men and women whose duty it was to destroy, in 
order to rebuild from the ruins, a government such as 
Russia had inaugurated. 

Thousands came to our shores; thousands more were 
already here, fully primed for action, only awaiting 
the transported spark to set ablaze a destructive fire. 
In a desultory way, bolshevism had existed in the 
United States for many years. The Noble and Holy 
Order of the Knights of Labour, organized in 1869, 
embraced syndicalism in many of its manifestations. 
By 1887 they had more than one million members. Their 
main object was to destroy the wage system and craft 
unionism. Although the leaders preached against 


sabotage and violence, the members practised both. 
This was eflPectually demonstrated in the southwest 
railway strike in 1886. 

In 1883 a convention was held in Pittsburg, composed 
of direct action groups from all over the United States. 
They issued a definite proclamation declaring for the 
destruction of the existing government by revolution- 
ary and international action, and demanded the ex- 
change of goods between producers without profit. 

Johann Most, anarchist, was the father of this move- 
ment in this country, and once again honest Labour 
suffered the penalty of the preaching and practice of 
anarchy. This movement culminated in the Hay- 
market Massacre in Chicago, in 1886, which affair had 
a most disastrous effect on the labour movement. The 
preaching of anarchy for a time passed out of existence, 
but because of it Labour had received a serious setback. 

The doctrines taught were all one with those of 
Michael Bakounin, beginning by being atheistic and 
always ending with direct action. One writer of note, 
Robert Hunter, says: 

The Labour movement lay stunned after its brief flirtation with 
anarchy. Without a doubt, the bomb in Chicago put back the 
Labour movement for years. 

Every time Labour associates with syndicalists, La- 
bour is the sufferer, usually the only one, and yet time 
and again false, power-mad syndicalists in labour cir- 
cles start the same old quack cure-all on its rounds, 
often deceiving thousands. 


Now enters Eugene V. Debs, several times since 
candidate for President on the socialist ticket, and who 
is now in a Federal penitentiary for violation of the 
Espionage Act. Eugene V. Debs, in June, 1893, or- 
ganized the American Railway Union in Chicago. This 
was an industrial union having many of the character- 
istics of syndicalism. Within a short time Debs led 
the Pullman strikers to defeat, after tying up most of 
the railroads of the country and bringing many cities 
to the verge of starvation. 

Debs, at this time, was a magnetic personality. Tall, 
angular, of dauntless courage and determination, he 
stood head and shoulders above his associates. He was 
a real orator and always meant what he said. As a boy, 
I had the good fortune to listen to many of the 
great orators of my time, but Debs always affected me 
most. He could always make my heart beat faster, 
and cause my blood to leap and pulse through my veins. 
His appearance, his sincerity, his simple life, his willing- 
ness to sacrifice, the indescribable timbre and vibration 
of his voice, held me spellbound. 

At the time of the Pullman strike Debs was not very 
well read. He had been a railroad engineer, and his 
opportunities had been scant, but upon being placed 
in the Woodstock, 111., jail, he began to read and study 
socialism, and he soon became not only a political 
socialist but a direct-action revolutionist. Until late 
years, however, red hate did not enter his soul. 
He was as gentle and kind as Eugene Field and loved 
humanity and all men. He never had a dollar in his 
life that you or I could not, for the asking, get half or 


all of. And one did not have to ask; if he saw you 
needed the dollar, it was yours. In private life, gentle 
and kind; on the firing line, he was as brave, resource- 
ful, firm, and unrelenting as Grant. 

He never deserted his colours, but, as the years 
went on, the colours took on a deeper crimson. He 
lacked poise, balance, and logical sequence of thought, 
but was not like unto the cowards who lead the Reds 
of to-day. He took his whiskey straight and never 
asked the bartender for water. He was wrong, mis- 
taken, had little idea of the true meaning of history, 
refused to learn from experience, but was brave always. 
It is too bad that Debs never could understand evolu- 
tion and hence always believed in revolution. 

Debs, through his teachings and agitation, has been 
very influential in forming the thought of the present- 
day syndicalists. The Western Federation of Miners 
carried on an I. W. W. propaganda for years, but it 
was not until 1905 that the Industrial Workers of the 
World was organized. 

In November, 1904, WilHam Trautmann, editor of the 
Brauer Zeitungy ofiicial organ of the United Brewery 
Workmen; George Estes, president of the United 
Brotherhood of Railway Employees; W. L. Hall, 
secretary of the same organization; Isaac Cowen, 
American representative of the Amalgamated Society 
of Engineers in Great Britain; Clarence Smith, and 
Thomas J. Hagerty, a Catholic priest, met in Chicago 
and with the cooperation and support of Debs, issued a 
letter calling for a larger meeting in January, 1905. In 
this letter the fathers of the American I. W. W. said: 


We have absolute confidence In the ability of the working class 

to take possession of and opfraU successfully the . . . the industries 
of the country. 

In January, the secret conference was held, twenty- 
three people being present, including Chas. H. Meyer, 
president of the Western Federation of Miners; A. M. 
Simons, well-known socialist writer; Frank Bohn, or- 
ganizer of the Socialist Labour Party, and "Mother" 
Mary Jones. 

This group issued a manifesto demanding equal pay 
for all work and criticizing the craft union, saying of it: 
*'It generates a system of organized scabbery" and leads 
"union men to scab on each other." This manifesto 
declared that the teachings of the American Federation 
of Labour resulted in ignorance and trade monopolies 
and fostered the idea of harmony between the employer 
and employee. 

President Gompers of the American Federation of La- 
bour probably said : "Just another crowd of socialists who 
want to destroy the American trade-union movement." 
He probably did not foresee the bitter struggle which is 
now taking place within his own organization, between 
the I. W.W. element and the progressive, loyal majority. 

In June, 1905, two hundred men met in Chicago, and 
organized the Industrial Workers of the World. Daniel 
DeLeon, Eugene V. Debs, Haywood Moyer, "Priest" 
Hagerty, D. C. Coates, and Simons were the dominat- 
ing factors. Hagerty, the priest, framed the preamble 
of the I. W. W. Coates later organized the non- 
partisan forces in North Dakota. 

From that day to this there has been a continual 


battle between the forces of trade unionism and the sup- 
porters of the I. W. W. programme, and this battle will 
not end until one of the two contending factions de- 
stroys the other. It is usually, but not invariably, the 
case, that those who contend for the most, demand and 
promise the impossible, and preach "hurry," win over 
those more moderate and sensible souls who really 
understand how slow all lasting progress must neces- 
sarily be. 

So many people seem to be of the opinion that the 
I. W. W. is simply a radical national labour union. As a 
matter of fact, the I. W. W. is primarily and fundamen- 
tally an international, revolutionary society formed for 
the purpose of overthrowing all present governments, 
and all present systems (except, of course, the I. W. W. 
Grovernment of Russia), and inaugurating class rule 
by the dictator who, by taking thought, can change the 
physical formation of the earth remodel human na- 
ture, reconstruct everything, abolish God and good, 
parachute humanity over all the rough edges of life, 
and bring about happiness forever after! 

But let us quote from the preamble of the Constitu- 
tion of the I. W. W. itself: 

The working class and the employing class have nothing in c«m- 
mon. There can be no peace. . . . 

You have no difficulty in recognizing the class-hatred 
teachings of Prince Bakounin in the very first sentence, 
and the very first sentence is untrue. 

As a matter of fact, the men who work have a common 
interest with the men they work for and with. Each 


has his separate duty to perform in order that industry 
may progress and function. The employer surely per- 
forms a necessary duty by first planning in his mind 
and then establishing in actuality the factory; the 
thought almost invariably is his thought; the capital 
to operate on is his; the first investment is his; the fail- 
ure of the undertaking causes him loss, ofttimes irre- 
mediable, while the failure as far as the worker is 
concerned very, very seldom causes him to lose even a 
day's pay; for Labour gets its money even though other 
creditors suffer. Sometimes, however, the failure of a 
particular industry in a particular place means change 
of residence as well as unemployment for the worker. 

The interests of employer and employee are identical 
in several ways: first, a successful enterprise, say in 
Puyallup, Washington, means steady employment for 
the workers, means the establishment of homes and 
local ties, means steady schooling for the children, 
means social life and happiness for all. Success means 
food, clothing, education, and stability of employment 
and mode of life; the ability on the part of the worker to 
plan ahead; to vision, in a measure, his family's future; 
to feel safe in buying an acre of land, building a home, 
and paying for it gradually. 

Success in this Puyallup undertaking means, for the 
employer, profitable use of his capital, stability for his 
investment. A successful enterprise is the only one 
that can grant to the worker continuous employment at 
a decent and living wage. The ability to furnish con- 
tinuous and profitable employment to the worker 
gathers around the factory steady, thrifty men whose 


output grows in productiveness and value because of 
their experience and settled condition. This enables 
the enterprise to pay more to the employer and more 
to the worker than if it be unprofitable and temporary. 
If the American owner does his share of the work, if 
sufficient capital is invested, if Labour does its work, if 
employer, employee, and administrative heads all do 
their work, American-made goods can compete with 
the foreign-made product, and steady employment is 
the result; but if the enterprise fail in any one of these 
particulars, it must close down. The employer, if he has 
any capital left, seeks new fields; the worker must find 
a new place, must probably move, while the far-away 
competitor produces the goods and is the only gainer. 

It is not true that dissension between employer and 
employees brings good. It brings evil. It is bad. 
The better they work together, the more goods are 
produced and the more surplus there is left to divide 
between the creative members of the enterprise. And 
let me say right here that the man in overalls is not the 
only worker. The man with the white collar and un- 
soiled hands very often works harder than the man who 
labours only with his hands. My experience has 
proven to me that men taken as a whole earn what they 
get regardless of their position in life! Certainly there are 
exceptions, many of them, but the rule holds good. 

It is also true that men usually find the niche they 
are best fitted for in the walks of life. Despite contrary 
statements, I have found that there usually is a mani- 
fest reason for the one's success and the other's failure, 
and that reason is ofttimes the fact that some men will 


do without for a time in order to have more at the end, 
while others want theirs every day in rest, in amusement, 
in idleness, in clothes, etc. I have no fault to find with 
either crowd, but I deny the right of the man who 
spends his dollar to come around after a time and de- 
mand half of my saved dollar. That gives him $1.50 
out of the $2.00 and it does not seem to me to be fair. 
One cannot eat one's ice cream and have it, too! 
Further on the I. W. W. preamble says: 

Instead of the conservative motto of "A fair day's wages for a 
fair day's work," we must inscribe on our banner the Revolutionary 
watchword: "Abolition of the wage system !'* 

Now we have the crux of their doctrine. They are 
not interested in securing their share of what is produced. 
They want it all. In the very next sentence they say: 

It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with 

All right! We agree that capitalism has its faults; 
grave faults and many of them. We agree that the 
problem of scientifically dividing the product of labour, 
capital, energy, and brains, as applied to natural re- 
sources, has not been fair and equitable. We agree 
that the millennium has not been reached. We agree 
that human nature operates on both sides, and each side 
strives to secure more than its appropriate and just 
share and frequently does secure it. The Red employer 
and Red employee have one thing in common : they are 
both fundamentally thieves. But with what system shall 


we supplant capitalism? Has a better system been dis- 
covered? Has any other plan, taken "by and large" 
as Sam Blythe says, ever functioned with one tenth the 
success of capitalism? If so, show me! 

It is indeed unfortunate for the revolutionists that 
daily papers and magazines have told the story of Rus- 
sia and syndicalism. It is unfortunate that history 
persists in telling the truth in relation to the Utopian 
schemes of past centuries and their progress-destroy- 
ing failures. Otherwise, we might wonder what the 
result would be; now we know what it must he. We are 
not in the dark. The child who falls against the hot 
stove feels the burn and remembers; the great majority 
of the people will take the child's word that the stove 
was hot, and that when he fell against it he was injured. 
The fellow standing in the doorway may talk his lungs 
out and argue that falling against the stove would not 
bum if the child fell on his other side, or if he fell with 
courage, or if he did not jump away so quickly, but the 
child's burns, as you apply the sweet oil, always convince 
everyone hut the weak minded or the fanatic. The man 
in the doorway says after every failure: "If we all fall 
on the stove at the same time, it will not burn." He 
forgets that heat is a condition of temperature, not of 

The world in its final analysis is ruled by old exper- 
ience. Capitalism thus far has been found to be the 
best and most scientific method yet devised or tried for 
human happiness. Turning the clock back to com- 
munism, or anarchy, has the same chance of permanent 
success as we would have in running an ox cart in com- 


petition with a motor car. Progress consists in going 
forward and not backward! 

Before we proceed further we must clearly under- 
stand the three cardinal principles of the I. W. W. 

First, they demand the destruction of the American 
Federation of Labour and all kindred organizations. 
They call the trade unionist a traitor to the cause of 
revolution. Labour-union leaders they call *^ cadets f* 
** labour parasites y" " labour fakirsy** "the agents of capi- 
talisniy" "aristocrats of labour y'^ and accuse them in 
their constitution of misleading Labour and supporting 
the employer. 

Second, they plan and demand the overthrow of all 
orderly government, and denounce unsparingly all po- 
litical action or legal means of changing the prevailing 
laws. They want overthrow of law and order by force 
and at once. Now is always the accepted time! 

Third, they demand, after the overthrow, that a few 
untrained agitators be placed in positions of dictators, 
and that everyone who does not agree be either exterminated 
or forced to join their ranks! 

As to the necessity of continuing production^ they 
speak only in general terms, much as a boy of six does 
when asked; "What will you do when you grow up?'* 
They apparently have just as definite and certain plans 
as to what should be done after Der Tag as the boy has 
regarding his future. The answer you get from the 
boy is certainly more definite and more likely to come 
to pass than the answer one receives on reading their 
literature or talking with their evangelists. 

In the beginning, the American Federation of Labour 


ridiculed the I. W. W.'s as a crowd of disappointed 
office seekers, the Federationist calling them "the most 
stupendous impossibles the world has yet seen." 

All the officers elected at their constitutional conven- 
tion were socialists, but the Socialist Party did not in- 
dorse their programme. Haywood carried the fight to 
the American Federation of Labour, saying: "The ideas 
of Mr. Gompers are hoary, aged, moss-covered relics of 
the days of the ox team and pony express." 

The battle was on between the craft-union idea and 
the one big union. That battle has been carried on up 
to the present day, but the I. W. W.'s have usually 
failed to get and hold the skilled worker, nor have they 
been able to convince the thinkers in the ranks. One 
of the great troubles faced by the I. W. W. organization 
everywhere is the fact that the demoralization of its 
own members makes them untrustworthy and dis- 
honest. I. W. W. organizers and petty treasurers 
continually abscond with the funds. Brissenden, in 
"The I. W. W.: A Study of American Syndicalism," 

The dearth of ability and especially want of honesty in its man- 
aging personnel were to become all too evident ... as was 
also its practically bankrupt condition. 

In the words of Hajrwood, "Industrial unionists 
should abrogate all agreements." Contracts, morality, 
and right are as nothing to them. The organization 
has reaped the fruit of its own teachings. You cannot 
tell a man to steal for you and expect him never to steal from 


you. There is no honour among thieves and never has 

Their second convention was held in 1906. The dis- 
honest teachings were already bearing fruit. The 
auditing committee found that "President Sherman's 
report shows extravagance and strong evidence of 
corruption.*' Speakers at the convention charged 
"corruption, graft, and fakirization which would put 
to shame the worst of the American Federation of 
Labour." Brissenden says in his book just quoted: 

The preaching of the overthrow of all government took, and 
the Reds abolished the office of President, and according to Presi- 
dent Sherman, "violated the constitution." 

Unable even to rule themselves in a small con- 
vention of ninety-three of the leaders it would 
seem quite proper to remark that they probably would 
fail if given control of the earth and the riches 

It was not long before the I. W. W. split into two 
bodies, one known as the Detroit I. W. W. and the 
other as the Chicago I. W. W. The Detroit I. W. W. 
preaches political action; the Chicago I. W. W., with 
whose aflPairs we will deal exclusively, disdains any poli- 
tical action whatever, deeming ** force, direct action, 
sabotage, strike, and revolution, as the only proper 
means of procedure." The Detroit branch changed 
their name **in order," said they, "to escape from the 
smell of the *bummery' of the Chicago name." They 
call themselves the W. I. I. U., the Workers' Interna- 
tional Industrial Union. 


As already stated, those who promise the greatest 
and most immediate results usually win the greatest 
number of supporters and converts. This happened 
with the tw^o factions; the Chicago I. W. W. gaining 
the most members and exerting the most power. We 
are not particularly concerned with the civil war 
between the two bodies. A man whose house is about 
to be robbed cares little about the quarrel between the 
burglars. He gains time, however, to call the police 
while they argue whether it is best to dynamite the 
basement door or use a jimmy on the bedroom window 
in the second story. 

For many years the I. W. W. had a wandering, un- 
organized existence, being always strongest in the Far 
West and weakest in the states where industry was 
highly developed and home life more stable. 

The so-called free-speech fights carried on at intervals 
were not fights for free speech and were not intended 
to be. They were simply petty quarrels picked by the 
organization for the purpose of bill-boarding their sup- 
posed importance. In Los Angeles in 191 1, however, 
when the Times Building was blown up by dynamite 
and several people killed, the organization really prac- 
tised its theories. 

All my readers will recall the great effort made to 
gain organized Labour's support for the McNamaras; 
parades were held, funds were collected, the innocence 
of the murderers was emblazoned on banners, and a 
general strike was to be called to terrify the law-enforc- 
ing officials, and then the McNamaras confessed to the 
crime, and Labour once more, after "flirting with an- 


archists," received a black eye, and was made to appear 

Some day honest Labour will learn that it is forced 
to carry the water and cut the wood for these an- 
archists, and is always blamed if failure comes, but 
never gets the credit if success is attained. The I. W. 
W. cry loudly for help when in trouble, and just as soon 
as Labour has helped them out, they "bite the hand 
that fed them." 

The McNamaras' crime was but one of a long series 
carried out by them and their fellows; they operated 
everywhere and dealt openly in murder and theft. I 
was greatly complimented when McNamara, in prison, 
gave out an interview attacking my acts during the 
general strike. It is fine to know that such men are 
against you. It makes you feel good and convinces 
honest men you were lOO per cent, right. 

From 191 1 on the I. W. W. became more and more 
openly hostile to government. In all their publica- 
tions they demanded direct action, until to-day direct 
action with its sabotage, strike, and destructive tactics 
generally, constitutes all their methods. 

In 191 2 they took entire charge of the Lawrence, 
Mass., textile strike. Joseph Ettor and Wm. D. Hay- 
wood led this strike, which developed every phase of 
revolutionary syndicalism. For instance, the Survey 
quotes a Lawrence resident as describing as follows the 
way the I. W. W. operated: 

The addresses of the men working are given to a committee. They 
are visited after nine o'clock at night by strangers, generally 


"Working to-day?" (The man speaking has a sharp knife and 
is whittling a stick.) 


"Work to-morrow?" 

"Id' no." 

"If you work to-morrow, I cut your throat." 

"No, no, I no work." 

** Shake," and they shake hands. 

Wm. D. Haywood tried to bring about a general strike in 
Lawrence, saying: "We will tie up the railroads, put the city in 
darkness and starve the soldiers out." 

When Ettor and Giovannitti, I. W. W. orators, were 
placed in jail, the Seventh National Convention of the 
organization was being held. They demanded im- 
mediate release and acquittal of these two men no matter 
what the facts were and threatened that the industries of the 
country would suffer a general strike unless their demands 
were obeyed. In other words, in open convention the 
I.W. W., in the year of our Lord 1912, openly advo- 
cated and threatened the general strike unless the 
judge and jury who were to try accused individuals, 
who happened to be members of their order, let the ac- 
cused go free. 

The I. W. W. propaganda sheets openly demanded 
sabotage. "They demanded a boycott on Lawrence, 
asked railroad men to lose their cars, telegraphers 
to lose their messages, etc," said Brissenden in his book 
already quoted. 

The merits or demerits of the strike is not the ques- 
tion. The outstanding accomplishment of the strike 
was that a body of syndicalists in America were allowed 
to preach and practise violence and sabotage and ^^get 
away with it.*' 

A banner carried in a strikers' parade read : 


The tenets and practices of the syndicahsts of long ago 
were adopted from cocktails to small blacks. The 
leaders gained in courage and vituperative violence. 
They had dared the Government and won. They had 
broken the plain law and escaped. They had both 
preached and practised and were not punished. They 
nozv spread all over the United States. 

In September, 191 4, they held another convention. 
They said: "Don't parade and ask help from politicians. 
Go where there is plenty of food and clothing and help 

As reported in the Chicago Daily News of September 
22, 1914, Haywood said: 

Take what you need where you find it. It is yours. Take food, 
clothing, shelter. Take over machinery. Use it for yourselves. 
It is yours. 

Frank Little, who was afterward hanged in Butte, 
said: "Wherever I go I inaugurate sabotage among the 

The convention went on record "as refusing to fight 
for any purpose except industrial freedom." 

The great war in Europe was in its initial stages. The 
fight between the American Federation of Labour and 
the I. W. W. grew more bitter daily. The Federation- 


ists charged that the I. W. W/s "scabbed on the job" in 
order to destroy the Federation. The I. W. W. would 
inaugurate a strike. The A. F. of L. would have agree- 
ments between the employers and the engineers who 
were not on strike, and yet the industry could not be 
tied up without the engineers repudiating their agree- 
ment with the employers. Many times the A. F. of L. 
men would stay on the job. Then the I. W. W. called 
them scabs. Many I. W. W's had, against the rules 
of their order, joined the A. F. of L. unions in order to 
secure work, but night and day they tried to disunionize 
their associates. 

Many I. W. W.*s and their sympathizers openly de- 
nounced the war in Europe and just as openly, later on, 
denounced our entrance into the war, when our Govern- 
ment became convinced of the necessity of such action. 
Following in their wake were the pacifists and all that 
mongrel breed who would partake of all the good that 
comes from our form of government, while refusing to 
defend it. They were everywhere. The draft law or 
conscription act was their especial target. Caring 
neither for the future of the world nor for giving a fair 
chance to our own boys in the trenches, they made 
every effort to check our war preparations, cause the 
failure of the Liberty Loans, etc. The I. W. W. 
element, left unchecked and unpunished in time of peace, 
came back to plague our nation in time of war. 

Many of the I. W. W.'s were arrested during the war 
and some^ere punished. The Government started, stop- 
ped, started again, conciliated, pandered, and generally 
pursued a skim-milk policy. Argument was tried, kind- 


ness, public statements appealing to patriotism, and this 
to a class of men who know but one argument, /ore*?; who 
think kindness is weakness, and who have no patriotism! 

It might be well in order that the reader may under- 
stand the activities of the I. W. W. to go more fully 
into the spoken and written tenets, beliefs, methods, and 
practices of this organization. So many people look 
upon the violence as sporadic, incidental, individual, 
instead of the work of the organization itself. 

Any honest man who investigates the I. W. W. must 
come to the following conclusions: 

First, the I. W. W. is an international revolutionary 
society and not a labour union. 

Second, it is against all labour unions, against all 
government, and aims at the overthrow of all organized 

Third, it teaches class hatred, direct action, use of 
force and violence, sabotage on the job; brings on strike 
after strike for no other reason than to cause the workers 
to hate the employers and the Government. 

Fourth, it believes and teaches that after strike 
after strike has been called, the worker will grow to hate 
the employer and will hate the Government whose function 
it is to preserve order. This prepares the worker for revo- 

Fifth, it believes revolution must be brought about 
by means of the general strike which shall paralyze 
industry and deprive the people of the necessities of life. 

Sixth, it is against any preparedness programme which 
would give the Government an armed force to protect 
itself when Der Tag comes. 


Seventh, it is against all religion and all morality. 
The I. W. W. has found it necessary to destroy all 
established modes of thought and conduct in order to 
prepare the worker's mind for violence, theft, arson, 
murder, the Red Terror, and free love. 

Eighth, the I. W. W. members not only believe In 
the above programme, not only teach it, but each and 
everyone puts into practice these beliefs as far as his 
opportunities and courage permit him so to do! 

Ninth, all cooperation and peace are abhorrent to the 
I. W. W. as well as all orderly legal means of action. 
Force is the only method they will consider. 

Tenth, the I. W. W. believes the majority is unfit to 
control its affairs, but that a minority composed of 
I. W. W. members should rule and control all things 
and all men. 

I hereby submit proofs which I believe sufficient to 
convince any reasonable man of the truth of these 

In every town and city during my trip for the Victory 
Loan through the East I found this organization preach- 
ing its doctrines, fomenting class strife, and denouncing 
all governments alike. In conversation with some of 
the leading men of the nation I found an appalling 
ignorance as to this organization — The Industrial 
Workers of the World — its aims, its methods, and its doc- 
trines. Many seemed to believe it was simply a radical 
labour union with no fundamental beliefs except to 
make conditions better for the men who toil. It is 
time the people of this country, my country, learn the 


I have been unable to find a more terrific indictment 
of I. W. W.'ism than its own authoritative records; 
its own principles enunciated in its own Constitution. 
Every statement I have made is substantiated by the 
organization's own printed matter. I have made no 
effort to convict the organization of anything to which 
it has not pleaded guilty. This is simply a gathering 
together and restatement of what it has, times without 
number, admitted itself. 

One of the strangest phenomena observable at all 
times is the inclination of large numbers of people to 
believe that some new panacea has been discovered to 
solve the ills to which humanity is heir. Time and 
again I have talked with I. W. W. propagandists and 
they seldom knew that their doctrines had been agi- 
tated, and in several instances given a complete trial, 
nearly a century ago. They all apparently believe that 
their teachings come from the *' proletariat'* ; that they 
are the discovery of the Workers of the World and would, 
if applied, emancipate all. 

The faith of the followers of I. W. W.'ism is only 
exceeded by the colossal conceit of its leaders. 
I. W. W.'ism, holshevism, and revolutionary syndicalism 
are one and the same thing. Long before Lenin or 
Trotsky or Haywood were born, the creed was fully de- 
veloped and had failed in practice. 

The plans of syndicalism or I. W. W.'ism, briefly 
stated, are as follows: to secure the support of a militant 
minority; refuse universal suffrage to the people; preach 
continuous and never-ending class war; disfranchise 
everyone but the poorest shop workers; allow only the 


** proletariat" to vote; cast out even their votes unless 
they stand four-square with syndicalism; join existing 
labour organizations; gain control of these bodies; bring 
on strike after strike for the purpose of fomenting dis- 
content and encouraging resentment among the workers 
against their employers. After each strike is lost, 
sabotage is to be used on every possible occasion, and 
when the time is ripe, this militant minority is to strike 
down the existing government through the means of a gen- 
eral strike; take possession of the reins of government, 
allowing only those who agree with them a voice in 
the control of affairs; force all other classes to starve or 
join the *' proletariat" ; confiscate all property; wipe out 
of existence by blood all opposition, and then sail away 
on a rainbow of dreams to a blessed land! 

I repeat the I. W. W. is not a labour organization, is not 
an American organization, but is an international revo- 
lutionary society whose aim is the overthrow of all gov- 
ernments, and the inauguration of a minority rule. or 
the dictatorship of the *' proletariat " In every printed 
article since its inception every leader has openly 
denounced and despised the majority. They say in all 
their documents that the majority do not know what is 
good for them but that "e^^, the self -chosen leaders of 
the minority, do know, and the only way to bring 
about universal happiness is to place us in charge of all 

This programme was the exact procedure which took 
place in Russia when the Kerensky Government was 
overthrown. In the preamble the bolshevists (the Rus- 
sian I. W. W.'s) naively state: 


In order to cure all the ills of humanity, we adopt this consti- 
tution .... etc. 

The I. W. W. teach word for word, and sentence for 
sentence, the same doctrines as the French syndicalists 
and the bolshevists. The methods of the I. W. W. 
and its teachings are exactly the same: class war; 
strike after strike; sabotage; finally the Great Day; and 
then Happiness forever. The I. W. W. Constitution 

There is but one bargain that the I. W. W. will make with the 
employing class — complete control of industry to the organized 
toorkers [the I. W. W.'s]. 

And again: 

As a revolutionary organization the I. W. W. aims to use any and 
all tactics that will get the results sought. . . . The tactics 
used are determined solely by the power of the organization to make 
good in their use. 

They also say: 

No terms are final with the employer; all peace is but an armed 
truce. . . . No part of the organization is allowed to enter 
into time contracts with the employers. . . . The I. W. W. 
seek no agreements with their employers; they claim no concession ex- 
cept that which we have the power to take and to hold by the 
strength of our organization. Failing to force concessions from the 
employers by the strike, work is resumed and sabotage is used to 
force the employers to concede to the demands of the workers. 

If the employers do not accede to their demands, 
they go back on the job, practise sabotage; in other 
words, strike on the job by burning buildings, putting 
spikes in logs, emery dust in machinery, missending 


trains, spoiling food, causing industrial accidents, and 
hampering in every manner, by secrecy and stealth, 
the successful conduct of enterprise. The I. W. W. 
teachings, without any equivocations or attempted 
excuses, state plainly that anything that is done which 
harms industry or government is right. 

The teaching and advocacy of sabotage, force, 
violence, theft, and arson, has blunted and ofttimes 
destroyed the moral sense of the organization's mem- 
bers. They teach non-observance of all law, ridicule 
morality, advocate godlessness, and are made to believe 
that everything done by them is right. They also are 
taught to commit all crimes by secrecy and stealth, but 
cautioned to take care of and protect their worthless lives. 

For fear that many readers may think that only a 
few members believe and practise law-breaking as a 
duty, I will quote from some of their own literature 
and from their writers, speakers, and leaders, to prove 
that every I. W. W. is a revolutionist, per j^, who is taught 
to commit crime as a duty, to hate all government, to 
destroy all orderly society, and does commit just the 
number of crimes that his courage, opportunity, and ability 

Wm. D. Haywood — ^who, thank God, wa^ convicted 
by that most sensible and loyal jury in the city of 
Chicago, in the second of his pamphlets, called "The 
General Strike," published by the I. W. W. Publishing 
Bureau of Chicago^says: 

Forty years ago to-day there began the greatest general strike 
known in modem history, the French Commune. 


Later he adds : 

There are three phases of a general strike. They are: 
A general strike in an industry; 
A general strike in a community; 
A general national strike. 

And again he says: 

The American Federation of Labour couldn't have a general strike 
if they wanted to. They are not organized for a general strike. 
They have 27,000 different agreements that expire 27,000 different 
minutes of the year. They will either have to break all those 
sacred contracts or there is no such thing as a general strike in that 
so-called "Labour organization." I said "so-called"; I say so advis- 
edly. It is not a Labour organization; it is simply a combination 
of job trusts. 

He continues: 

If the workers can organize so that they can stand idle they will 
then be strong enough so that they can take the factories. Then 
we lock the bosses out and run the factories to suit ourselves. That 
is our programme. We will do it. You must not be content to 
come to the ballot box on the first Tuesday after the first Monday 
in November — the ballot box erected by the capitalist class, guarded 
by capitalist henchmen — and deposit your ballot to be counted by 
black-handed thugs, and say; "That is political action." I believe 
that the American Federation of Labour won't take in the working 
class. They don't want the working class. It isn't a working-class 
organization. A strike is an incipient revolution. Many large 
revolutions have grown out of a small strike. If I didn't think that 
the general strike was leading on to the great revolution, I wouldn't 
be here. 

Later, in speaking of Mexico, he says : 

Incidentally, the revolutionists, Magon, Villareal, Sarabia, and 
Rivera, and their followers, have something to do with it, and also 
the local unions of the Industrial Workers of the World, there now 
being at this time three locals whose entire membership have gone 
across the line and joined the insurgents, and Berthold, one of the 
commandants, is an officer in the I. W. W. at Holtville, Cal. 


A. E. Woodruff, in "Evolution of Industrial Democ- 
racy/* says: 

The Industrial Workers of the World not only martials the 
workers properly upon the economic field but drills and disciplines 
them for the final test of their strength and solidarity, the social gen- 
eral strike f which is regarded as the culmination of the class struggle. 

Not only is the I. W. W. against the Government, and 
its fundamental principles revolutionary, but it is also 
the bitter foe of all organized labour. The I. W. W. 
holds that all labour organizations which do not sub- 
scribe to and follow the principles enumerated by them 
are capitalist unions even though their members are 

Vincent St. John, in "The I. W. W.," says: 

The craft form of union, with its principle of trade autonomy and 
harmony of interest with the boss, has also proven a failure. They 
have become allies of the employers to keep in subjection the vast 
majority of the workers. The I. W. W. denies that the craft-union 
movement is a labour movement. We deny that it can or will be- 
come a labour movement. In short, the I. W. W. advocates the 
use of militant "direct-action" tactics to the, full extent of our 
power to make good. The future belongs to the I. W. W. The day 
of the skilled worker is past. 

In speaking of the American Federation of Labour, 
Vincent St. John says: 

This worn-out and corrupt system offers no promise of improve- 
ment and adaptation. Union men scab upon union men. 

T.Glynn, of the I.W.W. Publishing Co., in "Industrial 
Efficiency and Its Antidote," tells how efficient the 
industrial system has become and then carefully ex- 


plains how to make it less efficient. He also attacks 
trades unionism as the workers' main foe, and ends his 
article by stating: 

The vacillating and compromising policy of Trade Unionism will 
no longer suffice. A virile organization, knowing no law but that of 
expediency f ready at all times to advance the interests oj the working 
class, is an absolute necessity. 



Until a short time ago there was a continuous 
battle going on between the I. W. W.'s and the A. F. of 
L. unions of the West. The I. W. W/s refused to be- 
come members of the unions affiliated with the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labour. In time of strike they 
"scabbed" on the Federation workers, but after we 
entered the war they changed their tactics and are now 
"boring from within" and are becoming members of 
the American Federation of Labour unions all over the 
United States, and using their assemblies and conven- 
tions as a means of spreading their propaganda. They 
hate Samuel Gompers and men of his kind a great deal 
worse than they hate any other class of men. They 
call them labour fakirs, labour parasites, representatives 
of the capitalist class, and claim that they are misleading 
the workers of the nation. 

In Seattle, the Red or the I. W. W. faction has 
secured control of many labour unions. The average 
worker has a home, a wife, a garden. He pays his 
dues to his union, but spends his spare time the same 
as you and I do — at home, at the theatre, at church, 



in the garden, and with his family. The I. W. W. 
member seldom has a family, more seldom a home! 
Still more seldom is he a member of any religious 
body, as the organization is anti-Christ; he usually 
lives in lodging houses, seldom has a vote (75 per 
cent, at least being unnaturalized), so he has plenty 
of time to attend meetings, and through agitation, or- 
ganization, and playing politics, very often is able to 
elect brother I. W. W.'s to the different union offices. 
From that time on all dissenters are howled down, re- 
fused the right to free speech, insulted and threatened, 
until the decent body of peace-loving workers allow 
the militant revolutionary minority to control their 
affairs. This has happened so often in recent labour 
history that it was with great pleasure that I read of 
the Annual Convention of the American Federation 
of Labour held at Atlantic City, disowning and ridicul- 
ing the I. W. W. propositions and resolutions which 
were offered from the floor. 

We read in all works of the Industrial Workers of the 
World, even in their official song books, of sabotage. 
Mr. Webster, in his dictionary, fails to define it, but 
we learn from Webster that a sabot is a wooden shoe 
used by the French peasants. The wooden shoe is used 
as the symbol or emblem of the Industrial Workers 
everywhere. All I. W. W.'s preach sabotage. Every 
I. W. W. that can do so practises sabotage! It is a 
universal and fundamental part of their creed. No 
I. W. W., except when on trials has ever denied that he 
believed in and practised sabotage. 

I hereby submit several quotations from a book 


entitled "Sabotage," by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, one of 
the most noted I. W. W. agitators, published by the 
I. W. W. Publishing Bureau at 112 Hamilton Ave., 
Cleveland, Ohio. In the opening paragraph of her book 
she says: 

I am not going to attempt to justify sabotage on any moral 
ground. If the workers consider that sabotage is necessary, thai 
in itself makes sabotage moral. 

Mrs. Flynn later says: 

Sabotage is to this class struggle what the guerrilla warfare is to 
the battle. The strike is the open battle of the class struggle, 
sabotage is the guerrilla warfare, the day-by-day warfare between 
two opposing classes. Sabotage means primarily: The withdrawal 
of efficiency. Sabotage means either to slacken up and interfere 
with the quantity, or to botch in your skill and interfere with the 
quality of capitalist production or to give poor service. 

In describing how sabotage works in the dyeing of 
silks, she says: 

So whenever they were supposed to be mixing green we saw to 
it that they put in red, and when they were supposed to be mixing 
blue we saw to it that they put in green. 

And she further explains: 

We will let the kegs of wine go over the docks. We will have 
great boxes of fragile articles drop in the midst of the pier. 

She gives still another illustration, as follows: 

Suppose he went into a restaurant and ordered a lobster salad, 
and he said to the spick-and-span waiter standing behind the chair, 
"Is the lobster salad good?" "Oh, yes, sir," said the waiter, "it 
is the very best in the city." That would be acting the good wage 


slave and looking out for the employer's interest. But if the waiter 
should say, "No, sir, it's rotten lobster salad. It's made from the 
pieces that have been gathered together here for the last six weeks," 
that would be the waiter who believed in sabotage, that would be 
the waiter who had no interest in his boss's profits, the waiter who 
didn't give a continental whether the boss sold lobster salad or not. 

No comment is necessary. These are the basic 
principles and ideals upon which this organization is 
founded. They start out with the proposition that 
whatever they do is right and that the moral law is 
abrogated; that the employee is justified in saying any- 
thing or doing anything as long as it injures society. 

Mrs. Flynn thus closes her comments on sabotage: 

I have not given you a rigidly defined thesis on sabotage because 
sabotage is in the process of making. Sabotage itself is not clearly 
defined. Sabotage is as broad and changing as industry, as flexible 
as the imagination and passions of humanity. Every day work- 
ing men and women are discovering new forms of sabotage, and the 
stronger their rebellious imagination is, the more sabotage they are 
going to invent, the more sabotage they are going to develop. 

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is but one of the many 
I. W. W. writers who justify criminality on the part of 
the I. W. W. members. 

John Graham Brooks is one of the latest authorities 
on sabotage. In a chapter entitled ** Sabotage " in one 
of his books he says: 

From the wooden shoe of the peasant, sabot, it has acquired all 
its mischievous significance. A French syndicalist says it became 
popular after striking weavers, in 1834, in Lyons, had smashed both 
glass and machines with their heavy footgear. 

Arthur D. Lewis in his book, "Syndicalism and the 
General Strike," says: 


There are other useful forms of "direct-action" sabotage, or the 
destruction of property, intimidation of the masters, sitting in fac- 
tories with folded arms, etc. 

John Spargo (socialist), in speaking of sabotage, says: 

It is all the more remarkable because the syndicalists themselves 
have recognized the primitive nature of the weapon. To the social- 
ists, sabotage is a form of class warfare to be shunned, principally 
because it destroys the morale of the working class and unfits it for 
the proletarian struggle. 

Later, Spargo tells us: 

Cutting telegraph wires, driving spikes in logs in the lumber- 
camps in the hope that they will later destroy the saws in the mills, 
putting cement in the railway switches and dropping monkey 
wrenches into machinery, are unfortunately common incidents in 
the industrial struggle. 

In commenting further on sabotage he says: 

Sabotage is not an eflScient weapon of class warfare. It destroys 
the moral fibre of the man who practises it. . . . Everywhere 
the organized socialist movement combats the syndicalist advocacy 
of sabotage as a weapon of class warfare. 

Walker C. Smith, who has enjoyed the hospitality 
of our Seattle jail several times, and is a well-known 
I. W. W., says, in the foreword of a pamphlet called 

The object of this work is to awaken the producers to a conscious- 
ness of their industrial power. It is dedicated not to those who ad- 
vocate but to those who use sabotage. 

He says also: 

Sabotage may mean the damaging of raw materials, spoiling of 
a finished product, displacements of parts of machinery, working 


slow, giving overweight to customers, poor work, missending pack- 
ages, telling of trade secrets, etc. Due to effective, widespread, sys- 
tematic sabotage, the brick masons in England lay, as a day's work, 
less than one third the number of bricks required from their brother 
craftsmen in America. Sabotage is a direct application of the 
idea that property has no rights that its creators are bound to respect. 
The question is not: Is sabotage immoral? but: Does sabotage get 
the goods? The militia can be made useless by the extension of the 
use of sabotage. When a trainload of soldiers is dispatched the 
train can be sabotaged. A bar of soap in the boiler would keep the 
soldiers at home. Sabotage will put a stop to war. If workers are 
imported, cannot saboteurs get on the job in the guise of scabs? 
Armed with the knowledge of sabotage the workers return to their 
tasks more terrible in defeat than in victory. Sabotage may mean 
the direct destruction of property. 

Should the victory of the workers be forestalled by state socialism, or 
governmental ownership, it would be a signal for an increased use of 
sabotage on the part of the industrialists. The postal employees need 
run no risk of being courtmartialed or even dismissed from the 
service. In mass sabotage they have a weapon which may be used 
in an entirely legal but none the less effective manner. Will you 
arise in your outraged manhood and take a stand for sabotage? 

Creatures like Walker C. Smith publish such doc- 
trines, teach them upon every occasion, brag of their 
defiance of law and order, and the United States Govern- 
ment apparently can find no law to send them where they 
belong, to the Federal penitentiaries. 

It may be of interest to the reader to know that put- 
ting spikes in logs, thus endangering fellow workers' 
lives, destroying machinery, turning logging engines 
loose to run wild down the mountain sides, putting 
rodents in food, burning down mills, etc., have been in 
general practice in the lumber woods of the Pacific 
Coast. When the war broke out it was found necessary 
to organize the Loyal Legion of Loggers and Lumber- 


men in order to produce the spruce for airplanes necessary 
to win the war. The I. W. W. used every imaginable 
device to stop production necessary to give our boys 
an equal chance on the battle fronts of Europe. They 
fought against our war programme every day and 
every minute. 

There has never been a single pamphlet issued, a 
speech made, or propaganda campaign conducted by 
the I. W. W. where sabotage was not advocated! There 
is not a factory or logging camp in the world that em- 
ploys I. W. W.'s where sabotage is not practised. All 
through their pamphlets and song books tales are told 
of sabotage being committed, and suggestions are made 
as to new methods of destruction. 

This continuous and never-ending propaganda has 
brought forth fruit and I could, if desired, fill every 
page of this book with authentic records of sabotage 
practised in the lumber camps of Washington and 
Oregon alone. Beginning in the fall of 1916 and contin- 
uing to the present day there has been a persistent 
effort to destroy this great industry and make its con- 
tinuance unprofitable. No camp has been immune 
from the syndicalist. 

The Industrial Worker of Seattle was the propaganda 
medium for a long time. In its issue of October 20, 
1916, it published a notice requesting the workers to 
organize to control industry. At the end of the notice 
these words appeared: 

Send in your name and $2.00. Secrecy will be observed. We 
use plain envelopes to fool the boss. 


In Idaho, Montana, Oregon, and Washington agita- 
tion for strike after strike has never ceased. After a 
series of strikes has tested the "worker's mettle" and 
made him "hate the boss," sabotage on the job is al- 
ways practised extensively. At the plant of the North 
Bend Lumber Company, North Bend, Ore., in May, 
191 8, three large saws were broken in a few days by 
spikes which had been driven into the logs. These 
were always driven through the bark so they could not 
be detected by inspection. This not only delayed work 
after the breaking of the saws, but was very danger- 
ous to human life. The Industrial Worker of May 26th 
comments as follows on the North Bend sabotage: 

The first one [spike] did not occasion much talk, but the subse- 
quent two did. 

The Industrial Worker of July 28, 1917, states: 

A general strike was openly advocated at Dreamland Rink, in 
Seattle, in July, 1917. Kate Sadler, Red Doran, T. F. H. Dough- 
erty, and other I. W. W.'s spoke for the strike. 

Sam Sadler was afterward convicted of sedition as 
already mentioned and Red Doran was one of the 
I. W. W.'s convicted at the Chicago trial. 

On July 24th there were only two small camps work- 
ing near Aberdeen, Wash. Camps in Oregon and 
Washington were completely closed by the I. W. W. 
agitation in August. The great majority of the camps 
in other states were either running on part time or 
were closed down. There was a great reduction in out- 


put and this hindered the Government in getting spruce 
for airplanes. Just before the general lumber strike, 
which occurred in 191 7, after war was declared, an 
I. W. W. leader was arrested at Spokane. Although his 
arrest put a damper on the strike, sabotage was ordered 
on every job. 

As said the Industrial Worker of July 14, 1917: 

Sabotage at Aberdeen took the form of slowing up at Schaefer's 
Camp; a full crew cut only nineteen logs in a day. They were or- 
dered to speed up by the boss, but all quit and went to town. The 
same thing occurred at Saginaw Camp No. 5. 

At Hoquiam, Wash., a paper commented on March 
17th that "many saws had been broken by spikes 
driven in the logs." 

Said the Seattle Timesy July 14, 1917: 

By the middle of June thirteen camps had been shut down near 

George F. Russell, former postmaster of Seattle, said : 

I found a solid piece of railroad steel, nearly a foot long, in a log. 
The bark had been taken off and the rail had been put in and the 
bark nailed on again. 

The Seattle Times of July 15, 1917, said: 

On July 14th fire broke out in the Lester Logging Camp east of 
Montesanom, Wash., and spread to other camps. This was caused 
by the I. W. W. 

The same paper reported : 

On July 1 8th timber fire was started in the West Fork Lumber 
Company's holdings. This was attributed to the I. W. W. 


And again : 

On July 2ist W. M. Emery, chairman of the State Forestry Board, 
wired Fred E. Pape, State Fire Warden, that "he believed the I. 
W. W.'s were setting fires to the timber of the Black Diamond Log- 
ging Company." 

The Post Intelligencer of July 25, 1917, said: 

On July 24th three I. W. W.'s, Tom Nolan, E. A. Matson, and 
Robert Solem, the latter an alien, were arrested by the forest 
rangers for interfering with the fire fighters who were fighting forest 
fires near Port Angeles, Wash. 

The Seattle Times of August i6, 191 7, reported: 

On August i6th fire destroyed 200,000 feet of lumber in the plant 
of W. J. Lunn at Auburn, Wash., credited to I. W. W. 

R. E. Forbes, of the Forbes Timber Company, gave 
out the following interview September 10, 1919. He 

The most effective manner of sabotage has been by restricting the 
output. This is the main cause for the high prices of lumber. For 
instance, one high lead side has a capacity of yarding and loading 
ten cars per eight-hour day. Thirty-five men are needed as a 
working force. It happened that the head logger in our camp was 
the chief wobbley [I. W. W.]. He was boss of the gang. The hook 
tender, who is in charge of the men, handled the rigging and thus 
regulated the amount of work done. The head logger told the 
hook tender to cut the output to five carloads per day. This was 
done and the result was that the men received eight hours' pay but 
did only four hours' actual work, yet the average wage per day is 
$6.00 to $7.50, the head logger receiving from $7.50 to ^9.00 per day. 
He ordered the hook tender to cut the output. The hook tender 
was blamed for the delay. In this camp the cost of labour is 80 
per cent.; cost of material, 20 per cent. By this sabotage the cost 
of producing lumber was all but doubled. 

Mr. Forbes also said: 

The most common practice is driving the railroad spike or bridge 
spike through the bark so it cannot be seen. This practice has 
occurred many times. It injures the machinery, as the band saw 
in the saw mills runs into the spike; it tears the teeth out and 
breaks the saw; oftentimes the tail sawyer is seriousjy injured or 

I may say in passing that the sawyer is seldom an 
I. W. W, when this accident occurs. 

V. R. Lewis, of the Clear Lake Lumber Company, 
Clear Lake, Wash., made the following statement: 

Wherever I. W. W.'s work they practise sabotage. At our plant 
at Clear Lake a Russian I. W. W. pulled the cotter pin out of the 
machine. This loosened the machinery, which was thrown with 
speed and force into the lake. The men jumped off barely in time 
to save their lives. 

Another wobbley who arrived at the mill filled the waste we 
were burning for fuel with sand during the night. On the next day 
when the mill began operating the sand burned out the fire box. 
This held up the work until a new box could be secured. 

Mr. Lewis says that he handles the labour situation in 
this manner: He gets 20 per cent, of married men in 
their organization; he pays them well and they live 
near the plant. They are the controlling factor, and 
when the I. W. W. agitators start to practise their 
teachings, the 20 per cent, take care of the I. W. W.'s, 
sometimes tarring and feathering them and driving thera 
out of the camp. He adds: 

The only way we<can control the I. W. W.'s is by means of force. 
I have established social-welfare work and have tried to improve the 
environment of the men at my camp. I have a club house, a the- 
atre, and a rooming house where clean beds can be obtained for one 


dollar per week. We have a baseball field where the men can play, 
and everything is done to provide wholesome, athletic, and clean 
amusement. This has increased the efficiency of the men, but has 
had no effect whatever on the agitators of the I. W. W. 

Mr. Houston, of the Kent Lumber Company, said : 

Our camp is not more than 30 miles from Seattle, and is near the 
city water shed. An I. W. W. named Miller was brakeman on our 
train, hauling lumber down a steep grade. Mr. Clark went with 
Miller on a few trips and cautioned him to be careful. When Miller 
went alone he did not set the brakes, but jumped off the car and let 
the carload of timber run downhill uncontrolled. This destroyed 
four thousand dollars' worth of property. Miller skipped the 
country without his clothes or suitcase. In searching through his 
belongings, full I. W. W. instructions were found in his suitcase, 
explaining exactly how to practise sabotage in the lumber camps. 

Mr. Houston told of another instance. He said : 

One crew of I. W. W.'s determined to strike, but before doing so 
hid away fifty boxes of our powder in one day. Soon a new crew 
started work and in felling a tree, it dropped on top of some of the 
powder, which exploded. Fortunately, no one was injured. 

In the same connection Robert Allen, secretary of 
the Lumbermen's Association, said : 

In all camps there is a fight over open and closed shops. Some 
plants insist on men joining the Loyal Legion of Loggers & Lum- 
bermen, an association composed of employers and employees. 
Since the war many companies are trying to run an open shop and 
speed up output, but the wobbleys restrict the normal output 
to one half by their various methods of sabotage and agitation. 
The actual practice of sabotage, involving loss of life and property, 
has not been so prevalent the last year as it was in 1917 and the last 
of 1918 in the Northwest. This is because the employers and loyal 
working men use force when necessary to preserve the industry and 
protect property. 


Following is an interview with George F. Russell, 
former postmaster of Seattle, now a member of the 
Employers' Association of Washington. He says: 

The I. W. W. strike in the lumber industry in 1917, which ham- 
pered the securing of spruce for war needs, is the outstanding strike 
in that industry in the Northwest. Putting spikes in logs and tack- 
ing bark over same is a common practice of the I. W. W. Fires 
are started by placing phosphorus in wet papers and when it dries 
it sets fire to the timber by spontaneous combustion. Another way 
is to fill the ditch adjoining the railroad with small limbs of trees, 
covered with pitch, and as the train approaches they set fire to the 
dried brush and limbs and jump the train, and away they go. An- 
other means of sabotage that has been used a great deal is putting 
emery dust or lemon juice in the ball bearings of saw-milling ma- 
chinery. This destroys it in a few hours. In the fruit districts 
the I. W. W.'s put tacks in the trees; this stops the trees from bear- 
ing, and eventually kills them! 

However, as there is no denial of the teaching and 
practice of sabotage by the I.W.W., the foregoing state- 
ments are sufficient to establish beyond a doubt the fact 
that it is used. 

The I. W. W. publish and sing songs filled with 
sacrilege and hatred, songs reeking of the mire, glorify- 
ing crime, encouraging revolt, debauching the hearer, 
and ridiculing God and good, and all that is sweet and 
dear to true men and women everywhere. 

In the I. W. W. Song Book published in Spokane 
is found the following advice: 

You starving member of the unemployed: Why starve? We 
have produced enough. The warehouses are overflowing with the 
things we need. fVhy starve ? 

In other words, break into the warehouses! Take 
what you want! 

Another motto runs: 
Labour is entitled to all it can take. 

Another shining motto of the Song Book reads: 

Make it too expensive for the boss to take the lives and liberty of 
the workers. Stop the endless court trial by using the Wooden 
Shoe [Sabotage] on the job. 



Chorus : 

It's a long way, now understand me; it's a long way to town; 
It's a long way across the prairie, and to Hell with Farmer John. 
Up goes machine or wages, and the hours must come down; 
For we're out for a winter's stake this summer, and we want no 
scabs around. 


Onward, Christian soldiers! Duty's way is plain: 
Slay your Christian neighbours, or by them be slain. 
Pulpiteers are spouting effervescent swill. 
God above is calling you to rob and rape and kill, 
All your acts are sanctified by the Lamb on high; 
If you love the Holy Ghost, go murder, pray and die. 

Onward, Christian soldiers! Eat and drink your fill! 

Rob with bloody fingers, Christ O.K.'s the bill. 

Steal the farmers' savings, take their grain and meat; 

Even though the children starve, the Saviour's bums must eat. 

Bum the peasants' cottages, orphans leave bereft; 

In Jehovah's holy name, wreak ruin right and left. 


Onward, Christian soldiers! Drench the land with gore; 

Mercy is a weakness all the gods abhor. 

Bayonet the babies, jab the mothers, too; 

Hoist the cross of Calvary to hallow all you do. 

File your bullets' noses flat, poison every well; 

God decrees yout enemies must all go plumb to Hell. 

Onward, Christian soldiers! Blighting all you meet. 

Trampling human freedom under pious feet. 

Praise the Lord whose dollar sign dupes his favourite race! 

Make the foreign trash respect your bullion brand of grace. 

Trust in mock salvation, serve as pirates' tools; 

History will say of you: "That pack of God-damn fools." 

Our country? The country of millions of hunted, homeless, 
hungry slaves! It is not OUR country. 


Long-haired preachers come out every night, 
Try to tell you what's wrong and what's right; 
But when asked 'bout something to eat 
They answer with voices so sweet! 


You will eat, bye and bye, 

In that glorious land above the sky; 

Work and pray, live on hay, 

You'll get pie in the sky when you die. 

And the starvation army may play. 
And they sing and they clap and they pray. 
Till they get all your coin on the drum. 
Then they'll tell you when you're on the bum. 

The I. W. W. hate all countries, but our country, being 
the freest country of all, is more hated and despised 


by them than all others combined. The I. W. W. 
ridicule the Divine law as well as human law. They 
believe it necessary and right to destroy all existing 
things. Their doctrine is that whatever is, is wrong. 
By a minority rule, founded on terrorism, they would 
change natural law, upset all man-made law, and — filled 
and obsessed by their ignorance — ^would teach the re- 
generation of society by upsetting everything that cen- 
turies of experience have taught us. 

These men ridicule life and laugh at the earnest 
efforts of men whose life-time toil has resulted in con- 
tinuous, permanent advancement of the human race. 
They believe in the achievement of Paradise in a day — 
yes, in an hour! Force, violence, uproar — a continu- 
ous Donnybrook Fair — is their idea of progress! They 
are the hurry-up, get-it-over-quick boys, who have 
retarded the progress of the human race more than all 
the oppressors of the centuries ! 

They are against all government. They are against 
all morality. They are against all progress. They 
are against all decency. They preach no doctrine 
of construction and their policy of destruction is futile, 
weak, ignorantly vicious and ineffective. From Bak- 
ounin to Haywood they have taught every vile act, 
every despicable deed, to be right if it is done by one 
of their members. 

Poisoning canned food by placing rodents in the cans, 
destroying vineyards, placing spikes in logs, burning 
mills, causing industrial accidents, forging checks — as 
they did in France; issuing false copies of the currency 
of different countries — as they do in Russia; all these 


things are holy in their sight! They look upon the 
government (the State) as an exhaustless mine from 
which each one may draw according to his desires. 

Just what they expect to do after they secure control 
is a very-much-unknown, very-much-disagreed-upon, 
nebulous theory. They do know, however, that they 
want to use force, murder, violence, in order to over- 
throw society. They do agree that even though nine 
tenths of the people disagree with them, still they must, 
by might, establish an autocracy, and rule, or destroy 
the people themselves. They plan to estabUsh a rule of 
the unfit, of the untrained, of the ignorant, of the unable, 
of the cruel, of the disappointed, and of the failures. 

Of course, they talk only of proper distribution of the 
accumulated labour of the centuries now called wealth. 
They never talk of the production of any wealth by 
themselves, for themselves ! That would mean work, toil, 
continued effort, brains, ability, honour, honesty, order. 
They look upon wealth as a static thing, as something 
already in existence, only needing proper division to 
bring about universal prosperity. Of course, they never 
consider that wealth is a constantly changing entity. 

The stark truth stands out in all history that people 
do learn from experience, but only from their own ex- 
perience. Those responsible for the momentous fail- 
ures suffered by the workers always tell plain lies 
in order to excuse themselves. No better illustration 
of this can be had than the fake stories told and written 
by the I. W. W.'s and their sympathizers after every 
defeat while their real story is an unbroken record of 
mistakes and failures. 



In the preceding chapters I have told the story of 
syndicalism or I. W. W.'ism from its inception to the 
present day. It was entirely possible to have written 
several chapters on the Coeur d'Alene troubles, the 
Governor Steunenberg murder, the activities of the 
Western Federation of Miners, the San Francisco pre- 
paredness-parade horror, the Mooney case, and the 
Winnipeg general strike. This last general strike was 
simply a repetition of the Seattle strike. Our friend, 
James Duncan of Seattle, visited the Canadian cities 
and talked his plan of **on^ big union" before the Winni- 
peg strike occurred and after the attempted revolution 
in Seattle had failed. The Winnipeg strike lasted longer, 
but the end, as always, was a disastrous failure. Change 
the names, dates, etc., and the Winnipeg and Seattle 
affairs are almost identical. Let us now consider, in 
brief, the cause, effect, and possible means of cure of 
this great evil. 

Our country to-day is confronted by a situation 
which threatens to destroy the very foundations of our 
goremment. It is not a time to **let things drift" or 
f hide our heads in the sand and say ** all's well." In 



my judgment, American institutions are in greater 
danger to-day than at any previous time. The great 
World War called on us for men and goods, but in the 
main, our people, under the heat of conflict, stood to- 
gether, worked together, fought together. Continued, 
persistent, and measurably successful efforts have been 
made, and are being made, to divide us on class lines. 
Sensible men can do naught else than consider the fun- 
damental causes of the partial acceptance of this false 
gospel, and after finding the causes, consider the effects, 
search for the proper remedies, and if convinced that 
a cure has been found, unite as one and see to it that 
our institutions and our ideals do not perish from the 

If in the preceding chapters I have been able to con- 
vince the reader of our danger, I hope that in those 
which follow I shall be able to centre his best thought 
on solving the problems which must be solved, if we 
are to continue as in the past, a free, self-governing na- 
tion. With the fervent wish that this book may awaken 
the thinkers of the nation to a frank, free, and effective 
discussion of the questions involved which may result in 
their solution, I offer what are my beliefs in relation to 
them, realizing that there are thousands of men bet- 
ter fitted to perform the task set before me, and yet 
feeling that it is my duty as an American citizen to write 
what is in me. 

When our Government was formed and our Consti- 
tution adopted, the plan was that the people of this 
country should rule this country; that no class, or clan, 
or organization of any kind should ever seize control 


and make of the United States of America any kind of 
government other than a government of, for, and by the 

As time has swept on in its endless flight, the people 
of this nation, in legal and orderly manner, havechanged 
the Constitution, and by amendment added to the 
fundamental law of the land those things which they, 
in their combined wisdom, considered necessary im- 
provements. To this plan of continuous and never- 
ending improvement all American citizens worthy of 
the name, and worthy of citizenship, have in the past 
and must in the future give undivided and unstinted 
support. But now, everywhere in this country, thou- 
sands refuse to abide by the orderly and legal procedure, 
time-honoured and century-tried, and advocate a reign 
of lawlessness and the overthrow of that government 
which to this date has functioned more successfully 
for all the people than any other yet devised and tried. 
We all realize that thousands are against our Govern- 
ment, but few of us have stopped to analyze the reasons 
why this is so. 

Why, for instance, should a former slave from Rus- 
sia, where poverty and oppression were his portion, de- 
sire to overthrow our Government, where he can, by 
simply complying with our naturalization laws, become 
one of the rulers himself, with no one else having a 
greater power than is vested in him through the sacred 

Why should an American-bom ridicule our Grovern- 
ment, advocate its destruction, and work for the estab- 
lishment of a "dictatorship" of any class whatever? 


Why are so many educators more or less revolution- 
ary in their beliefs ? 

What are the causes ? 

It is very easy to understand how the syndicalists 
of France in 1848 gained power. The Government 
repressed the workers and France was not a free, self- 
governed republic. 

It is also easy, knowing of the previous centuries of 
misrule and tyranny in Russia, to understand the revo- 
lution there. 

But the reasons for bolshevism in the United States 
are more complex and not so easy to define and under- 
stand. In my best judgment, the following are the 
major causes of this unrest and anarchy in our own 
country : 

1st. Unassimilated aliens. 
2nd. Ignorant Americans. 
3rd. Increased cost of living. 
4th. Red employers. 
5th. Unthinking and dishonest adventurers and 

Red misleaders of labour, 
6th. Oppression of governmental employees. 
7th. Sickly sentimentalists. 
8th. Discontented failures and delinquents. 

It has been our proud boast that the United States 
holds wide open the portal to all who would live be- 
neath our flag. With our enormous natural resources 
it has been repeatedly argued that no danger lurked 
in the easy admittance of the millions from foreign 
lands. To-day, however, men who give the subject of 


immigration even a cursory study must come to the 
conclusion that the zvay has been made too easy, the path 
too broady and the portal has been held too widely open 
for successful assimilation and digestion of the incoming 
alien. There is a great deal of loose talk tending to go 
to the opposite extreme and close the door so that no one 
may enter. Either extreme, in my judgment, is just as 
wrong and dangerous as the other. To close the door 
entirely would bring manifold dangers and in time of 
need deprive this great nation of very valuable citizens. 
There are times when we need immigrants, and surely 
no American would want to close the door to those 
aspiring souls who want to escape from the thraldom 
and poverty of the Old World and become citizens and 
upbuilders in the New. 

The time may come when our country will be fully 
developed, and when we shall have reached the point 
of saturation when no immigrants should be admitted, 
but that time is not yet here and will not come in your 
lifetime or mine. Is there no way that immigrants may 
be allowed to come when we need them and stopped 
when we do not need them ? Is there no way that we 
can choose our future citizens from among the many 
applicants ? Is there no way that these immigrants can 
be made real Americans and immediately apply for cit- 
izenship or be refused entrance? 

I think there is, but it may be well, before I tell of my 
plan, to quote a few figures which are illuminating in 
relation to immigration. Since 1820 alone we have 
welcomed to our land more than thirty-four million im- 
migrants and they came from the following countries: 


5,5cx),cxx) from Germany or 15% of total immigration 
4,000,000 from Italy " 12% " " " 
4,000,000 from Austria-Hungary " 12% " " " 
3,300,000 from Russia " 9% " " " 
2, 1 3 0,000 from Scandinavia " 6% " " " 
8,200,000 from United Kingdom " 24% " " " 
775,000 from Canada " 3% " " " 
525,000 from France " 2% " " " 
352,000 from Greece " 1% " " ** 
5,3 10,000 from all other coun- 
tries " 16% of total immigration 

Total 34,092,000 100% 

The immigrants from the United Kingdom were 
divided as follows: 60 per cent, came from Ireland, 33 
per cent, from England, and the balance, or 7 per cent., 
from Scotland. The influence of the Scotch on our na- 
tion is far in excess of the relative percentage of im- 
migration. One is amazed that so few could do so 
much, but the Scotch have always been famous for 
making a little go a long way. 

It is of great interest to the student to know that our 
immigration in the main during and up to 1898 came 
from northwestern Europe and that our immigration 
since 1898 has come chiefly Jrom southern Europe and 

The following table illustrates the partial stoppage of 
the tide of immigration from northern Europe during 
the last few years and the increase in immigration from 
southern Europe during the same period : 

Austria-Hungary from 1861 to 1898 (37 years) 1,170,000 
Austria-Hungary from 1898 to 1914 (16 years) 2,875,000 
Italy from 1820 to 1898 (78 years) 700,000 


Italy from 1898 to 1914 (16 years) 3,300,000 

Russia from 1820 to 1898 (78 years) 645,000 

Russia from 1898 to 1914 (16 years) 2,610,000 

Now let US see how we fared with immigrants from 
northern Europe during this period : 

Scandinavia from 1820 to 1898 (78 years) 1,370,000 

Scandinavia from 1898 to 1914 (16 years) 700,000 

United Kingdom from 1820 to 1898 (78 years) 6,700,000 
United Kingdom from 1898 to 1914 (16 years) 1,418,000 

You will note the enormous increase in immigration 
from Russia, Italy, and Austria-Hungary since 1898 
and will probably view with alarm the decrease in the 
numbers from Great Britain and Scandinavia. 

Another noticeable feature of our immigration is 
the fact that of all the millions who came between 
and including the years 1900 and 191 2, seventy 
out of every hundred were males. For every fe- 
male, therefore, came more than twice as many males. 
This apparently definitely establishes the fact that 
only a small percentage of family immigration has 
taken place since the year 1900. In searching the im- 
migration reports, one finds that the percentage of fe- 
males coming to this country prior to 1900 was very 
much greater than since that time. Therefore, we may 
say that immigration has increased from southern 
Europe and Russia, and decreased from northern 
Europe, and that male immigration has increased and 
female immigration decreased in proportion as the 
source has changed. 

In the years immediately following the Civil War 


whole families emigrated from Europe, mostly from 
northern Europe, while to-day very few families come to 
the United States in comparison. We are to-day wel- 
coming, principally from Russia and southern Europe, 
single men, and not families. In the years following 
the Civil War the foreign born were rapidly assimilated 
because of their comparative fewness in each com- 
munity; because the alien*s family came with him; 
because the children of the alien were always a great 
factor in inculcating our American ideals in their 
parents; and because he usually went out on the land and 
tilled the soily established a family, took out his citizen- 
ship papers, acquired a farm, and became a real Amer- 
ican. To-day, as a general thing, he does not go out 
on the land; he does not have a family; he does not 
establish a home, but herds in congested, foreign 
colonies in our great cities; an^ hence does not become 
Americanized as readily or as rapidly. Ofttimes he 
becomes an itinerant and wanders from place to place. 
These are facts which must be considered in solving the 
immigration problem which is part and parcel of our 
bolshevik menace. 

The irreconcilable agitating alien, bolshevik or an- 
archist, should not be allowed to remain one hour 
longer than is necessary to go through the proper legal 
forms to send him back to the land from which he came. 
He is an ever-increasing danger, is no good to himself 
or any one else, is a trouble breeder, a teacher of false- 
hood and sedition, and musty and shall, be sent out of this 
land of the free. 

The American people want no further trifling with 


these men. If there are not sufficient laws quickly and 
inexpensively to deport these people, Congress should 
enact them, and any president who would veto such 
necessary and just measures would and should be im- 
peached. This matter could easily be handled and no 
further comment is necessary. The alien who has not 
taken any steps to become a citizen should at once 
be asked what his intentions are, and if he shows no 
disposition to Americanize himself, he also should be 
sent back. Let them either become Americans or go home. 

Every facility should be provided to enable the aliens 
already here to assimilate our ideals. In every portion 
of our land community centres should be established 
and aliens compelled to attend them until they have 
learned our language and understand, at least in some 
measure, the meaning of our institutions. The school 
houses should be used every evening for classes of 
prospective citizens. The state can well afford to fur- 
nish teachers for our future citizens. In the hotel- and 
lodging-house districts schools and libraries should be 
established, if necessary with sawdust on the floor, 
where entertainments, moving-picture shows, instruc- 
tive lectures, etc., depicting American history, can be 

One of the great troubles in our cities in the West, 
where the saloon has gone out, is that there absolutely 
is no social centre for itinerant workers. When the 
saloons were closed a great I. W. W. hall was opened 
in Seattle, where the workmen were made to feel at 
home and many became converts. It is all right to 
close the saloon, but it is not all right to fail to replace 


the saloon, which had one merit: it provided a loafing 
and lounging place where men could meet their fellows. 
Why not open up places where men can pay for what 
they gety hut enjoy themselves in their own way as long as 
they keep the peace? In some places religious people 
have opened missions, but the religious atmosphere 
drives many men away. The average man wants 
leisure to do as he wishes, not as someone tells him. 
Recreational, social, and educational features could 
easily be coordinated and provided. 

The lodging-house districts of most cities ought to 
be burned to the ground and rebuilt with new, modem, 
sanitary buildings, having in them pool rooms, billiard 
halls, bowling alleys, libraries, baths, etc. Some day 
when you have time, dear reader, visit your own lodging- 
house district and see for yourself if I am not right. The 
peculiar part of this proposition is that any such build- 
ings will be self-sustaining and show a good interest 
on the investment. Build a few clean, sanitary places 
in which men may live, sleep, learn, and enjoy life. 
Every possible effort must be made to train the alien in 
his new duties as well as his new privileges. Almost 
everyone knows what their rights are, but few realize 
that without duties well performed our rights would 
soon cease to be. 

One of the greatest hindrances to the Americaniza- 
tion of aliens is the fact that during the past years 
so many thousands have herded together and estab- 
lished foreign centres or colonies in our great cities. I 
have visited these foreign settlements, and conditions 
are unspeakable. One would not believe how many 


of these people live, herded together in crowded tene- 
ments, with only the pavement for playgrounds for 
their children, with the foreign-language press read 
almost exclusively, and with foreign modes of life 
and foreign methods of thinking prevailing almost ex- 
clusively. Not only are these districts a menace to our 
Government, but they are immensely harmful to the 
immigrants themselves. The tendency to herd together 
in the great cities often deprives our country of the bene- 
fit of the training of generations across the sea. Many, 
many thousands of these folk are farmers from the 
country districts of Europe. Under our present system 
or lack of system we allow them to gather in the slum 
districts of our cities and we make poor sweat-shop 
tailors, etc., of men who know how to raise food and 
would, if given the opportunity, continue the work with 
which they are familiar. It is probably the most fool- 
ish thing we could do with this human material. Is 
there a constructive, common-sense method of solving 
the problems of Americanization and immigration ? I 
think there is, and submit that selective immigration 
and scientific distribution of aliens can be worked out 
without any particular shock and without any particu- 
lar effort or expense, to the lasting benefit of the im- 
migrant as well as to our country. 

In days gone by we have admitted, in the main, 
those who had the fare to get here and wanted to come. 
It seems to me that in the future we should admit only 
those who want to come to this country and become 
real American citizens, and, of these, those only that we 
have need jor. 


In other words, let us select our future citizens. How 
can this be done? Very easily. In every country 
across the sea we have representatives. Let the in- 
tending emigrant call upon one of our agents in 
Europe and make application for entrance; let him 
deposit with our representative $25 or ^50 or what- 
ever is necessary; let the aspirant be at once physically 
and mentally examined; let him fill out a question- 
naire somewhat similar to the one our boys filled out for 
the army, giving his previous occupation, training, and 
history. Upon the examination being completed and 
the investigation made, our representative should send 
full particulars to a board of immigration in Washing- 
ton, D. C. This board would then become a clearing 
house for immigrants, and its main duty would be to 
select only those who are fit to partake of our privileges 
and fit and willing to perform the duties of citizenship. 
The applicant should also be asked to signify his desire 
in relation to his destination or future home. 

These applications and reports would come to our 
national clearing house for prospective citizens and the 
board should have final and complete authority as to the 
destination of the alien. Many good farmers would, 
no doubt, signify their desire to remain in New York. 
This should not be allowed. The farmer should go to 
that part of the United States where his particular 
ability can be best used and where men of his training 
are needed. No one, under any circumstance, should 
be admitted who is not willing to work. The board 
could very easily prevent the formation or future 
gr«wth of foreign colonies by simply refusing to allow 


the alien to go to that district where his unassimilated 
brethren live. Until the immigrant has become an 
American citizen, he should not be allowed to go to 
or live in any part of the country he desires; he should 
to a greater or less degree be under the supervision and 
direction of our authorities; he should be registered 
and kept track of and aided during his five-year period 
of probation before he becomes a citizen. 

This board of immigration would of necessity have 
to have a definite and reasonably accurate knowledge 
of the need of men in the diflPerent parts of the United 
States, and the immigrants should be sent to fill 
those needs and for no other reason. There would be 
years, perhaps, when not one single mechanic was 
needed. During those years mechanics would not be 

It seems to me that the greatest problem of our coun- 
try is to get people on the land and stop, in a measure, 
the overgrowth of our cities. We have become a great 
industrial nation, but our farming development is not 
keeping pace with our industrial growth. Why not 
select men who are farmers, preferably men with fami- 
lies, and send them to that part of the country in need 
of farmers? By doing so we increase our supply of 
food, clothing, etc., and reduce the cost of living for all, 
including the folks in the great cities. Manufactur- 
ing, etc., can only become established on a firm basis 
when we produce sufficient of the necessities of life 
to take care of the men engaged in industry. It is not 
lack of land that stops our agricultural production. It 
is lack of sufficient and efficient man power. We have 


two billion acres of land and only one in seven is under 
cultivation. All over the West and South millions of 
arable acres lie idle, awaiting only the hand of the hus- 
bandman to make them "blossom like the rose." Ir- 
rigation of arid lands in our country is as yet in its in- 
fancy. There are millions of acres of land that need 
diking, draining, and clearing. We also have a great 
many millions of acres already prepared that are only 
partially cultivated because of lack of farm help. It 
does seem to me that we need, more than anything else, 
the immigrant farmer, who wants to become a citizen 
and knows how to farm. This selective system, with 
proper distribution, it seems to me would solve the prob- 
lem of the immigrant. It would make it better for us 
and better for him. He would go into a farming com- 
munity that needs him; he would find useful remunera- 
tive employment; he would become Americanized in a 
short time, and he would help feed us all. The man who 
raises food is seldom a bolshevist. 

While the alien has given us a great deal of trouble, 
he is not the only trouble-maker in our country. The 
American born who does not understand the principles 
of our Government has, ofttimes, joined the alien 
agitator in trying to destroy our nation, and in my 
judgment a good deal of this unrest has been our own 
fault. We have, in the main, neglected the Amer- 
icanization of Americans. While our census report 
shows a comparatively small percentage of illiteracy, 
the army reports, compiled after men were selected for 
service, tell a very different story. In the census report 
men and women were marked "Literate" if they were 


able to write their names. Thousands had learned 
to write their names who were unable to read and 
understand the ordinary articles appearing in the daily 
press. This condition was a revelation to many of us, 
who fatuously believed the story told by the census. 
The laws for the compulsory education of children 
should and must be rigidly enforced. The most ignoble 
work of man is an uneducated child. The lack of 
proper preparation in youth not only injures the child, 
but weakens our whole national fabric. No chain is 
stronger than its weakest link, and a great country 
must have a great people behind it. Someone said: 
"You cannot make an Ai army out of C4 men." This 
is as true of every other walk in life. 

By "education" I do not mean "schooling" only — I 
mean training in useful and needed occupations. The 
high-school graduate cannot claim to be "educated," 
even though he stood at the head of his class, if he is 
unable to do useful, necessary work in the world. No man 
can say he is an educated man if he is not familiar with 
the ordinary common-sense laws of keeping well, of 
sanitation, of hygiene, etc. Certainly no man can con- 
sider himself " fit " unless he knows how to do at least 
one thing for which the world will pay enough to give 
him a living. 

We must properly train our children in the homes 
first, and then see to it that the necessary things of life 
are taught in our schools. Men must be able to con- 
tribute something useful to society in order to be an 
asset instead of a liability. Without proper home and 
school training many men become leaners instead of 


lifters. Without proper knowledge of the fundamentals 
of our Government, many men live their lives out with- 
out really appreciating what a great, self-governing, free 
country America is. 

I believe it is as important to have a Department of 
Education established and its head given a place in the 
President's Cabinet as it is to have an Agricultural or a 
War Department. I know of no reason why a De- 
partment of Public Health also should not be created. 
Health and education are certainly primary requisites 
for a people such as ours. The monetary expense 
involved would be returned a thousand fold in a better 
and more fit citizenship. 

Americanism should be a regular course in all schools, 
just the same as arithmetic and grammar. It is the 
very warp and woof of our civilization. Surely it is 
important — essential. I would rather have my chil- 
dren understand the history and ideals of our country 
than that they learn Latin or Greek. I contend that no 
unbiased, unprejudiced person can sincerely advocate 
the overthrow of this Government if he understands 
just what kind of a government it is. There are so 
many false teachers of soap-bubble Utopias that it is 
well that, right at the start, the children should be 
taught Americanism and also be shown the fallacy and 
successive and universal failure of the quack cure-alls 
that are ever and anon offered to the gullible. 

During the past few years there has been a seemingly 
never-ending increase in the cost of the necessities of 
life. According to Bradstreet, the increase in cost of 
living from 1914 to 1918 was 119 per cent., the United 


States Bureau of Labour makes it 103 per cent., and Dun 
94 per cent. From carefully prepared data we found 
in fixing the salaries of city employees that the increase 
from July i, 1918, to July i, 1919, was 12^ per cent. 

While this increase has been followed by increased 
wage scales, it is unquestionably a fact that the increase 
in wages has not in a great many instances kept pace 
with the increased cost of living. Restricted produc- 
tion has, in many instances, increased the cost of pro- 
duction and thus has increased the cost of living. From 
personal observation and from accurate first-hand 
knowledge I can say that in the lumber industry the 
same crew of men in Washington do not produce more 
than 60 to 65 per cent, as much in the same length of 
time as did those same workers a few years ago, and 
yet the wages measured in food, clothing, etc., of the 
men have been increased, in many instances nearly 

The fact that all who would work could find work, 
that there was a shortage of men, that employers had to 
keep those they had or get at least as bad a crew, or 
possibly worse, has militated against efficiency amongst 
the workers. The sabotage and restricted output were 
never more apparent than at the present time. When 
enterprises are confronted with a steadily increasing 
wage scale and at the same time with a continuous de- 
crease in production, it naturally becomes more and 
more difficult to conduct them successfully. 

However, the complaint of high costs has just grounds 
and the profiteer has raised many articles of daily need 
to unconscionable heights. The dissatisfaction caused 


thereby has made many otherwise perfectly normal 
people place the entire blame upon our Government. 
The fact that the World War and its needs called from 
productive enterprises millions of men and consumed 
billions of days of labour is given small thought. The 
great taxes made necessary by the war have simply 
caused the dealer and manufacturer to transfer this 
extra cost to his goods; and when wages are increased, 
he tries as far as possible to do the same thing. 

The arrest and punishment of the profiteers seems 
to me to be only scratching the surface. To me it 
seems that the fundamental and sensible way to stop 
the ever-increasing cost is to deflate the currency and 
increase the production of goods. On July i, 1914, 
we had $33.96 per capita circulating medium. On 
July I, 191 8, we had $54.28 per capita circulating 

The following statement taken from that very valu- 
ble farm paper, Capper's Weekly, of September 13, 1919, 
is certainly interesting: 


Inflation of currency and credit is held to be chiefly responsible 
for high prices by economists. A subscriber of the National Re- 
publican discovers that the stocks of money in the United States 
have increased two thirds in the last five years. In other words, 
currency has increased about 60 per cent, or from $33.96 to $54.28 
per capita while living has risen 70 to 94 per cent. 

The statement of the Secretary of the Treasury, issued July ist, 


gives a summary of the amount of money in circulation in the United 
States on July i, 1914* and July i, 1919. It is as follows: 




Gold Coin (inc. Bullion in Treas.) 

Gold Certificates 

Standard Silver Dollars . 

Silver Certificates 

Subsidiary Silver 

Treasury Notes of 1890 . 
United States Notes (Greenbacks) 
National Bank Notes. 
Federal Reserve Bank Notes. . 
Federal Reserve Notes 

$ 614,321,674 








659*83 1,150 


Amount per capita .... 



It will be seen that while the stock of gold coin and bullion in- 
creased $558,631,855, the amount of gold certificates (based on 
gold in the Treasury not included in above) decreased $493,232,401, 
leaving a net increase of only $65,399,454, in spite of the large im- 
portations of gold from Europe in the early part of the war — before 
we entered it. 

The stock of silver decreased $126,367,038. 

Greenbacks decreased $5,901,099, and national bank notes, 
$68,254,487, as both these issues are being gradually retired. 

The Federal Reserve and Federal Reserve Bank notes — all 
Issued since 1914 — amount to $2,582,629,572, making a net increase 
of money in circulation during the five years of $2,461,858,214. 

But the paper money increased $2,582,629,572, while the metal 
money decreased $120,771,358. The per capita increased from 
$33.96 to $54.28, or $20.32, being about 60 per cent. 


It seems to me, however, that the above statement 
but partially covers our inflation. The diflferent series 
of bonds issued for war purposes amounted to 
$i9,o86,ooo,cxx). To a greater or less degree these 
bonds, especially in the smaller denominations, are 
being used as currency. Go to a ladies' suit emporium 
and sit in the salesroom for a couple of hours, and I am 
sure you will find that the bonds are being traded for 
merchandise at their market value in many instances. 
I have known of several large real-estate transactions, 
and dozens of small ones, where bonds were used as 
currency; ^19,086,000,000 of bonds were issued. Now 
let us suppose that 20 per cent, of the bonds issued are 
used for such purposes and circulate as money. That 
means that instead of the total of $5,841,026,582 of 
circulating medium we have an increased amount of 
$3,817,200,000 to add to it, making a grand total of 
$9,658,226,582, or a per-capita circulating medium 
of nearly $90. It may be that only 10 per cent, of 
bonds are used as currency; if so, the per-capita circu- 
lation would be more than $70. Gradual deflation of the 
currency will gradually decrease the price of goods, 
and gradually reduce the cost of living. During the 
readjustment period many business bubbles will be 
pricked, but honest enterprise and industry will be 

Unless there be a gradual and continuous deflation 
of the currency by the powers that be, it does seem that 
one of these days the top will blow off^ the tea kettle 
and bring immediate and disastrous results. I am con- 
vinced that the American people do not want an em- 


bargoorrestrictionof outputplaced on goods going across 
the sea to people who are really working and trying to 
adjust themselves. I am just as firmly convinced, 
however, that the American people strenuously object 
to going without themselves or paying exorbitant prices 
for needful things, if these articles are to go to people 
who refuse to work and do for themselves. We are 
perfectly willing to be a Christmas tree, but we want 
the presents to go to those who are trying and not to 
those who are loafing. Prompt and effectual action 
in relation to these matters will make the ground less 
receptive for the planting of bolshevism, as well as 
other isms. 

One of the fruitful causes of hatred and discontent 
is the Red employer of labour. He is as dangerous to 
the employers as to the rest of the national fabric. 
Red employers are a constant menace, and upon their 
deeds and their words many an agitator has hung a 
convincing sermon. You know some of them and so 
do I. We should be very thankful that every day they 
become less and soon will be an inconsequential minor- 
ity in the land. These men are cave dwellers, as far as 
modem industry is concerned. Some of them still look 
upon the workers as merely machines to be used, and 
then scrapped. In many places workers are compelled 
to toil in unsanitary factories with defective lighting 
and ventilation systems, and every improvement of 
their lot comes only after a hard struggle, occasioning 
loss to all society. I am thankful to say that Red em- 
ployers are few in number and that during the Victory 
Loan trip I made throughout the country, I found that 


progressive, decent employers of labour condemned 
their actions as vigorously as did the workers themselves. 
The factories universally must be places where men 
and women can do their work without loss of health 
and vigour. The worker's capital is his health, his 
eyesight, his physical and mental fitness. Living 
conditions must be such that the worker can go to his 
work singing, "My Country 'Tis of Thee, Sweet Land of 
Liberty," and mean it. Light, healthful surroundings 
cut down industrial accidents and increase production. 
Such conditions are not only morally right, but from 
the standpoint of efficiency, essential. I have carefully 
read the reports of production of the same men in the 
same factories under bad conditions and good condi- 
tions, and these reports were a revelation to me. Men 
produce more goods and better goods when conditions 
are right. These are proven facts, and easily demon- 
strable. It gave me a great deal of confidence in the 
honest intention of the great majority of employers 
to listen for hours to reports and surveys of the condi- 
tions of their employees. It also made one feel he was 
in America when he saw careless employers called up 
on the carpet by fellow employers and practically com- 
manded to install certain badly needed improvements. 
All this cannot be done in a day, but it can and must 
be done. The people who can get it done the quickest 
are the men engaged in similar undertakings. The 
facts properly presented will cause any one but a feeble- 
minded employer to remedy such conditions. It 
cannot be too often emphasized that it does not pay, 
even in a financial way, to have anything but the best 


living conditions in one's factory. It is true that laws 
are on the books and ofttimes enforced, but there should 
be no need of calling on the law to compel the employer to 
make the necessary and righteous improvements about 
his plant. The real man does right cheerfully and will- 
ingly as soon as the faults are called to his attention. 
The other kind of a man should be compelled to do 

In every organization, large or small, be it church, 
lodge, labour union, or otherwise, there is always a 
small minority who look at all things from a purely sel- 
fish standpoint. Whenever an organization is started, 
the pay-roll parasite is always present. The profes- 
sional agitator is usually as dishonest as the Devil, 
and just as unscrupulous. He gets his salary every 
week, strike or no strike, trouble or peace. He is 
always trying to figure out some way of bringing about 
friction between the employer and the employees. 
The louder he talks, the less he does; the more he prom- 
ises, the more likely he is to be followed and believed. 
I have had a great deal of experience with this breed 
who never do any work themselves, but work the work- 
ers. They plan trouble and ofttimes bring it about. 
They preach class hatred, antagonism, and destruction 
all the time. They have cost the workers of this coun- 
try more than all the Red employers in Christendom. 
They care not what happens to the workmen or to the 
employer as long as they sit tight in their places of 
power. They are not leaders — they are misleaders. 
They do not want better conditions or better wages, 
but continually preach taking control of all things. 


Sometimes an employer is in the midst of his busiest 
season; he must get out his product in order to pay his 
obligations and exist. The workers are receiving a fair 
day's wage for a fair day's work. This is such a man's 
opportunity. He gradually insinuates the idea into 
the minds of the men that if they strike right then the 
employer can he held up and made to pay a greater wage 
than his competitor; that he will go bankrupt if his doors 
close. Sometimes the men strike and win, ofttimes 
they strike and lose, but in the end, they always lose 
when engaged in such undertakings. 

The labour question is not a one-sided affair. The 
Red employer is bad, but the Red employee is just as 
despicable. As I have said before in this book, they 
are interchangeable anarchists. Labour must purge 
itself of these Red leaders, even as the employers must 
cleanse themselves of their Red associates; otherwise — 
no peace, no progress. The Red labour leaders make 
the workmen believe that Utopia is just a week ahead. 
The progressive and constructive labour leader preaches 
steady and never-ceasing progress. He knows that prog- 
ress comes by evolution and not by revolution. He 
plays the game, is true to his fellows, but does not 
impoverish his followers by advising them to make 
impossible and unjust demands. In the long run, he 
leads Labour to greater heights, better conditions, and 
more prosperity. The Red misleader befools the workers 
for a while, but some day they throw him out, bag and 
baggage. He then changes his location and starts the 
same thing over again. Progressive employers should 
blacklist the Reds among them, and decent Labour 


should drive them out of their unions as they will cer- 
tainly destroy their organizations if allowed to remain. 

I want to impress this thought upon the reader, be 
he employer or employee. In enterprise there are but 
four elements essential to success: 

First: Well-paid labour. 

Second : Equally well-paid administration. 

Third : Equally well-paid capital. 

Fourth: Consideration and justice for the ultimate 
Capital must receive a reasonable reward or it shrinks 
into hiding. Administrative heads must be well paid 
or they lose interest, initiative, and efficiency. Labour 
must be satisfied, must have good living conditions, and 
must receive the highest possible remuneration. The 
dark, noisome factories must he torn down and replaced 
by new buildings where the sunlight of heaven pours 
in on the workers. The worker's precious eyesight 
must be saved. His fingers, his legs, his life must be 
protected from injury by every possible safety device. 
His food and housing conditions must be excellent. 
His children must be well fed and well clothed and well 
educated. The administrative heads must not only 
be careful that Capital receives dividends, but must be 
careful to see to it that Labour receives its just reward, 
and the shareholders must not only take interest in their 
annual dividends y but in the workmen and the plant itself. 

The workmen must take an interest in their work and 
in the success of the enterprise. They must do a full 
day's work for a full day's pay. They must be fair with 
their employer, and their organization must either play 


square and keep its contracts or it will be destroyed. No 
wrong thing can long stand ! Any organization advocat- 
ing wrong must pass away. The only manner in which 
Labour can win, hold lasting respect, and maintain itself, 
is by being respectable and keeping its word. Coopera- 
tion in industry is absolutely essential. The thing 
which hurts the enterprise hurts all engaged in that 
enterprise. The burning down of a mill in the forests 
of Washington makes everyone in the world just that 
much poorer. The slowing up of one man adds to the 
poverty of the whole. 

The agitation of unthinking and dishonest adven- 
turers in all walks of Hfe will probably always go on in a 
greater or lesser degree. Without the fibre to be suc- 
cessful themselves, they hate all success. With nothing 
at stake, they try to disafFect those who have everything 
at stake. Without the power of thought, many of them 
have good memories and are ofttimes able to recite the 
catch words and phrases in common use. They have no 
desire for progress or plan for its achievement. They are 
simply passengers who refuse to shovel coal under the 
boilers, refuse to do the work they can do, and are inca- 
pable of doing the more important things necessary to 
the successful voyage. They are passengers who pay no 
fare. They eat, are clothed and cared for, but do not 
pay for what they eat, wear, or enjoy. Purely parasitic 
and entirely selfish, they make a certain amount of 
trouble for all decent people. They may be called the 
camp-followers that follow the army but neither fight 
at the front nor work in the rear. Many of them are 
vagrants, pure and simple, although some of them are 


well dressed. However, their loose words fall on barren 
soil if the workers, employees and employers, cooperate 
and work together, and unless all do work together for 
the common good, industrial success and progress must 
cease to be. The sooner we all realize this, the better. 

For a long time past the interests of the employee 
and the employer have been the only ones considered. 
The employer says: "I must have so much," and the 
employee says: "I must have so much." Seldom does 
either take into consideration the ultimate consumer 
upon whom they both live. The other party — the 
public in general — should be taken into consideration. 
Time after time I have seen labour troubles settled 
between the employer and the employees without any 
consideration whatsoever given to the public. For in- 
stance, the coal miners decide that they want ^i.oo more 
per day. Their employer assents and promptly adds 
the dollar, or more, to the cost of coal that we — you and 
I — use in our homes. When the great middle class in 
this country are awakened to the fact that their rights 
are not protected, they will, as they should, have a part 
and a voice in the settlement of all future disputes. 

Many of us seem to believe that poor pay and bad 
working conditions are the result of private business 
enterprise run for profit. In all the arguments for 
municipal and governmental ownership the first premise 
is that the workers will toil under ideal conditions 
and receive absolutely fair and square treatment and 
just recompense. Government-owned and government- 
conducted enterprises are nm for service and not for 
profit. Belonging to all of us, it is ridiculous that all 


should be overcharged in order to show a great profit, 
which would be returned in some form to us all. 
Therefore, it has been argued that there is no incentive 
for underpaying the employee in such enterprises. 
There being no incentive to make profit out of the work 
of the workers, in the nature of things the workmen 
will be better cared for and his rights more fully pro- 
tected than in industries under private ownership and 

Strange as it may seem, it has not worked out that 
way in all instances. I desire to state that it is my 
belief that a private employer would be tarred and 
feathered and driven from the community in which he 
lived if he underpaid so persistently any class of men 
and women in his employ as do our school boards, for 
instance, the teachers, or our colleges their professors. 
We have seen how the great hatred that the workmen 
first felt for the machine that they believed would de- 
prive them of the right to work was transferred within 
a short time to the owner of the machine, the employer. 
The employer who does not treat his men right is sure 
to reap eventually his just reward. There can be no 
escape from this condition. Men who are robbed 
and oppressed will feel resentment and use every artifice 
to ** get back " at the employer who is responsible. When 
a governmental body mistreats or underpays its em- 
ployees, the employees turn their resentment against 
the responsible body, which, in this instance, is the 
State itself. In other words, if the Government does 
not do right by those whom it employs, they grow to 
feel that the Government is a bad government and 


should he changed. If this is true, we should expect to 
find upon investigation that many of our Government's 
underpaid workers would adopt some ism or other in 
the hope of a change and a consequent improvement 
in their lot. This seems reasonable, does it not? It 
is natural, is it not? Let us consider the actual situ- 
ation for a moment. 

The teaching class in this country numbers more than 
750,000 men and women, principally women. They are 
recruited from all walks of life, but come principally 
from that great middle class which, in the final analysis, 
directs the destinies of our nation. The teaching class 
has, in times past, been recognized by all thoughtful 
people as the mainstay, as the bulwark of our nation. 
Thousands of speeches have been made, and thousands 
of chapters have been written, painting the glory of 
the "little red school house on the hill." Of course 
the school house is but a building of lath and boards 
and brick and plaster. The spirit of the school house 
is the teacher. Without the teacher, the school house 
is a dead thing. The teacher is IT, not the building. 
All right, what have we done with and for our school 

Last fall twenty-five million big and little children 
packed up their books and slates and pencils and filled 
the thousands of school houses throughout the land. 
They were your children and my children. We had 
done our best at home to inculcate decency, patriotism, 
and love of country in their hearts and minds, but 
when school started, with no misgivings we turned 
these twenty-five million boys and girls over to the 


teachers. They were to mould their opinions, their 
ideas, their Hves. They were to teach the good and 
see to it that the bad entered not into the young 

Roosevelt said: 

You teachers make the whole world your debtor; and of you it 
can be said if you did not do your work well, this Republic would 
not outlast the span of a generation. 

We have all repeated time and again :** Knowledge 
is Power." We have, in a desultory way, spoken well 
of the school teacher, who lays the first foundation for 
knowledge and right thinking. We all realize the grav- 
ity, the supreme importance of the teacher's duty. The 
teacher's personality, training, and professional habits 
are and always have been typical of our best middle- 
class Americans. The teacher's place is not only use- 
ful, it is necessary, of supreme and vital importance. 
Again I ask you fellow American citizens: "How have 
you treated the teachers ?" We admit our very existence 
depends upon them; that our children are turned over 
to them for character building, and that on the nature 
of their work rests, very largely, the nature of the 
pupil's usefulness in after Hfe. One great organization 
has said: 

Give us the child in the formative period of life and we defy you 
to shake our teachings in the years thereafter. 

Being such an important part of our civilization, of 
course we have seen to it that the school teachers are 
respected, happy, and well paid, and that teaching offers 


to the youth a career in life second to none. Of course 
we would not oppress or underpay such valuable mem- 
bers of society. We — you and I — have, of course, seen 
to it that our educators are so well treated that they 
radiate love of country and patriotism and feel that 
this Government — their Government — our Govern- 
ment — is treating them as they should be treated. 
Of course, we have done no such thing! As a rule, 
they leave the classroom as students, only to re- 
enter as teachers. Their cloistered life tends to pre- 
serve unsullied the high and conservative principles 
of thought, character, and action which they pass on 
to the children in their charge. Their birth, breeding, 
and daily habits naturally make them the conservative 
exponents of the established order of things in govern- 
ment, society, and industrial comity. They should 
be consistent upholders of American law, order, and 
ideals, the strongest bulwark of the nation against 
radicalism and unrest. They should be apostles of 
evolutionary progress instead of revolutionary destruc- 
tion. They should be the democratic servants of us 
all in the making of our future American citizenry. 

The American of to-morrow — perhaps the world of to-morrow — 
will be the product of the American teachers of to-day. 

How have we, you and I, cared for our teachers and 
educators ? 

It is time to answer — time to confess. 

The average daily wage of the American teacher in 
1918 was $1.48 per day. The average daily wage of 
the American school teacher in 191 9 was $1.63 per 


day. The National Educational Association shows 
that our best-paid teachers in 320 of our largest Ameri- 
can cities in 191 8 received the following magnificent 
annual salaries: 

Median salary for 59,020 teachers, elementary 

city schools, $818.19 
Median salary for 3,779 teachers, intermediate 

city schools, $899.42 
Median salary for 13,976 teachers, high schools, 


There are 19,017 teachers, including 338 high school 
teachers, in city schools, who receive less than $700 
per year. 

There are 2,931, including 33 high school teachers, in 
city schools, who receive less than 500 dollars per year. 

No, these are not statistics from the year 1818, but 
are figures gathered for the year 1918! 

The Railway Wage Commission in 1919 urged that 
the lowest-paid railroad man should receive at least 

The U. S. Navy Yard blacksmith received in 191 8 
$2,396; electricians, $2,321; labourers, $1,297; ^^^ char- 
tvomeriy $873. 

The Johnson-Nolan Act provided that the minimum 
wage of all civil-service employees of the United States, 
including watchmeriy janitors, and scrub women should 
be raised to $1,080 a year. 

Director-General McAdoo authorized increases to 
railway employees amounting to 300 million or more 


per year and said a man could not maintain efficiency 
on an income of less than $1,400 per year. 

Other Government employees within the past few 
years have been raised 40 to 60 per cent. 

Teachers have been raised in the same period from 
10 to 12 per cent. 

In IlHnois in 191 8, when 300 teachers received less 
than $400 per year, the average monthly salary of 
15 miners was $217.78. The average monthly salary 
of 15 teachers was $55. 

An Austrian alien miner was paid more than $2,700 
in wages for the year 191 8, while the principal of the 
high school in the same town, an American woman, 
with a university degree, received only $765. 

*^ Knowledge is Power." 

In Raleigh, North Carolina, there appeared in the 
News and Observer of January 13, 1919, two want ads. 
One was for a coloured barber at $25 per week with a 
possible increase to $35. The other read: 

Wanted: — Teacher of Latin for the Lumberton High School. 
Salary $70 a month. 

"Knowledge is Power.'* 

In Washington, D. C, the Senate succeeded in the 
last session in raising the minimum salary of teachers 
in the District of Columbia to the level of the dog 
catchers. It had been $500, but was raised to $750 
with an established maximum of $1,300 to be reached 
after twenty-five years of service. 

In our national capital and the seat of the Federal 
Bureau of Education one third of the teachers receive 


less than $1,000 per year. Many millions are spent 
at our national capital, and rightly so, to study methods 
to improve the breed of swine, horses, and cattle, but 
the school teachers must teach twenty-five years in order 
to get less money than the street labourer, less money 
than the Greek waiter at the hotel, less than the boot- 
black or porter in the barber shop. 

In New York the teacher's pay is less than that of 
the street sweeper while in Baltimore the teachers have 
earnestly pleaded that their recompense be made equal 
to that of the keeper of the monkey house in the Zo- 
ological Gardens. 

In Pennsylvania the teachers petitioned the Legisla- 
ture to raise their minimum group to $60 per month, 
those with normal-school certificates to $75, the next 
group to $85, and the highest group, including prin- 
cipals and superintendents, to a level of from 10 to 20 
per cent, more than they have been receiving. 

While this campaign was going on, the following ad. 
was appearing in Philadelphia papers: 

Pile drivers and carpenters wanted. Pay 85 cents per hour; 
double pay for overtime and triple pay for Sunday. 

In one western city the school teachers ran in debt 
to a local bank in order to purchase Liberty Bonds. 
When they asked for an increase in their wage, they 
were told: 

You don't need an increase. You were able to buy Liberty 

Once again I want to call the reader's attention to 
the fact that the increased cost of living during the past 


few years was, according to Bradstreet, 119 per cent.; 
Dun, 94 per cent.; and the United States Department 
of Labour, 103 per cent. 

The increased cost of Hving has cut the teachers* wages 
more than 60 per cent., since 1914, up to July i, 1918, 
and 12^ per cent, since that time and up to this writing. 

The wages for teachers before the war were disgrace- 
ful. The average for the nation at large was but 
$543.31, while in twenty-three states the average was 
even less. 

The percentage of men teachers in the schools has 
declined from 42.8 per cent, in 1880 to 19.6 per cent, 
in 1914, and the percentage is much less now. 

During the World War doctors, dentists, and engineers 
were given commissions. Teachers were allowed to serve 
in reconstruction and educational work but only as privates. 

Is Knowledge Power? 

I think the above proves that we have been degrad- 
ing and robbing the educators of this nation. Let 
the United States Steel Company treat their em- 
ployees as badly, and there would be a Congressional 
investigation, and someone would either leave the 
country or go to jail. I think it clear that the teachers 
feel a just and righteous resentment because of their 
treatment. They feel their employers have not treated 
them fairly. They don't guess about it, they know; 
and you and I know that it is a damnable, inexcusable 
outrage. We have paid them so little that many who 
could leave the profession have left it. There is no 
career, present or future, for the educators of our chil- 
dren. Their resentment is growing daily. 


A person takes his station in life very largely on an 
economic basis. The school teacher who receives such 
a pittance cannot associate with her equals in training, 
inteUigence, or breeding, she is more or less of an out- 
cast. While the carpenter takes his car and goes for a 
drive on Sunday she takes long hikes through the coun- 
try, but of late she has not even been able to do this — 
shoe leather costs too much. 

The employer of the school teacher is, in the great 
majority of cases, a governmental body. The school 
teachers* resentment has been and is directed at the 
employer. Many men have wondered: "Why is it that 
so many teachers and educators believe in this or that 
ism? Why are so many of them antagonistic to existing 
government?" The manner in which we have treated 
them is the answer, and this resentment^ sometimes un- 
consciously ^ is being passed on to the children and youth of 
this nation every day in every state in this land. 

Forget, if you will, the 750,000 teachers, but remem- 
ber the twenty-five million children and remember our 
national ideals. Can they continue if the teaching body 
becomes more and more resentful and instills more and 
more of the virus of unrest into the growing minds of 
our little ones? Either the teachers are entitled to 
enough to live on in decency and comfort or they are 
unfit to use our magnificent school buildings and have 
charge of the training of our youth. Either their pay 
must be increased to meet at least their pre-war earnings, 
which were far too low, or we are criminal exploiters 
of labour — the worst kind of Red employers. 

Forget the pay-envelope end of the question for a 


moment, and let us consider the effect on the children. 
We teach the children that ^^ Knowledge is Power ,'* 
and yet the disseminators of knowledge get less than 
the bootblack who poHshes their shoes, a good deal less 
than the street-car man who collects their nickel, and 
less than the newsboy who has a stand on the corner! 

The dissatisfied educator is the most dangerous 
individual in our midst. Let us see to it, you and me, 
at once, that the educators in our locality get their just 
dues. Let us treat them in such a manner that they 
will have reason to love our country and teach its 
beneficent doctrines. Let us be fair and square, and 
if our present school board is still pre-Adamite, get rid 
of it. Run yourself if necessary and make the teach- 
er's pay the issue, and I am sure the people will rally 
to your support. Treat the educator as he should be 
treated, as an honoured, necessary servant of the whole 
people, doing incalculable good and intrusted with the 
future destinies of this Republic. If you paid your 
chauffeur who cares for your car as little as you pay the 
educator forcaringforyour children, what would happen.? 

It is not my purpose to discuss in detail, or at great 
length, the inadequate and insufficient wages received 
by many of our government employees, but I desire in 
brief to call the attention of the reader to the past and 
present condition of the postal employees of the United 
States. In 19 13 the following was the wage scale 
paid by the United States Government: 

$800.00 to $1,200.00 per year for clerks and carriers. 
Since that time their pay has been slightly in- 
creased, and is now; 


$i,cxx).oo per year on entering the service with a 
maximum, to be reached after six years' service, of 

But even now it is entirely too low when compared 
with the cost of living, the newer employees receiving a 
wage less than the Director-General of Railroads said 
was necessary to maintain efficiency. These workers 
perform an essential and important task, and yet their 
pay does not now average as much as the pay of the 
day labourer throughout the United States. It were 
better for us to pay a little more postage, if necessary, 
than to underpay the employees of this Department. 

An evening paper lies before me and I find a report 
stating that the "morale" of the Pacific Fleet is at avery 
low ebb; that a great many officers have resigned, and 
that a great many more are trying to have their resigna- 
tions accepted in order that they may return to private 
life and enter into some employment where they can 
support their families. Secretary of the Navy Jose- 
phus Daniels, is reported as saying that some of the best 
men in the United States Navy have pleaded and 
begged with the Department for their release. Surely 
we cannot afford to pay our soldiers and sailors less 
than an adequate wage, and an adequate wage should 
be paid to all government employees, whether they 
be privates in the army or admirals of a fleet. For 
the Government to save money by oppressing its 
employees is a crime not only against the employees, 
but against all decent American citizens. 

Of the sickly sentimentalists who support every cause 
where they are free to shed tears I have little to 


say. They remind me of the strange crowd that 
gathers at funerals. They do not know the deceased 
nor the family, but they derive a kind of salty delight 
in crowding into the church and weeping. They go 
home and report they had a perfectly delightful time, 
and "didn't the corpse look lovely!" I know of no 
cure for these people. Perhaps a brain specialist might 
be able to suggest one, provided he was able to find any 
brain to apply his remedy to. 

The internationalist is also one who sympathizes 
with the bolshevistic tendencies of the times. He has 
a love affair with every country but his own. He loves 
all nations, but is loyal to no nation. He is the inter- 
national roue. He certainly professed undying affection 
for the countries across the sea, but during the late 
war he went to the military prisons rather than fight 
to save them! He obstructed in every manner possible 
every act of our Government. He refused to assist the 
boys across the sea. He spread lying tales about all 
in positions of authority. He is absolutely, com- 
pletely, and unequivocally no good. 

Roosevelt covered his case very succinctly and prop- 
erly when he said : 

The professed internationalist usually sn'"^'<; at nationalism, at 
patriotism, and at what we call Americanism. He bids us forswear 
our love of country in the name of love of the world at large. We 
nationalists answer that he has begun at the wrong end; we say that, 
as the world now is, it is only the man who ardently loves his country 
first who in actual practice can help any other country at all. . . . 

The best world-citizen is the man who first and foremost is a good 
citizen of his own country. Within our national limits I distrust 
any man who is as fond of a stranger as he is of his own family, and 


in international matters I even more keenly distrust the man who 
cares for other nations as much as for his own. I do not trust 
persons whose affections are so diffuse. There are men who look 
upon their wives or mothers or countries and upon other women and 
other countries with the same tepid equality of emotion. I do not 
regard these men as noble or broad-minded. I regard them as rotten. 

An American who does not love his country more than 
any other country is not a good American. He is not a 
patriot. He is not an asset to our nation. He is a 
positive detriment. He is a great weeper, but a poor 
worker. He sympathizes, but never helps. Emerson 
said: "Love afar is spite at home." He is like unto the 
man who leaves an oasis in the desert to follow a mirage. 
His internationalism is polygamatic. The only citizen 
we can trust is the citizen who trusts his country. For 
one, I am not willing to allow the water in our national 
pool to be lowered to the level of the pool of other na- 
tions. We must not lower our national standard by 
chasing the will o' the wisp of internationalism. Our 
country should be run primarily for the benefit of the 
people of our country. We will in the future, as we 
have in the past, stand ready to relieve those in distress, 
but only by building up a strong nationalism will we ever 
be able to help any one. The good farmer does not 
benefit his poor neighbour farmer by allowing his fields 
also to grow up with weeds. I do not believe in water- 
ing our national stock and increasing the figures on the 
faces of the stock certificates, and pretending to our- 
selves that we have gained thereby. As a nation, we 
can and will enter into certain definite agreements and 
treaties with other governments, but we must preserve 
OUT nationalism inviolate. 


Another cause of unrest and bolshevism is the pres- 
ence here and there of discontented failures and de- 
linquents. Many men become angry and resentful if 
the world does not take them at their own valuation. 
They then try to spread their discontent. Constitu- 
tionally and temperamentally unfit for success, they try 
to capitalize their failure. Until the formula is dis- 
covered that will make men and women uniform in 
ability they will have to go on their discontented way 
to the end. The doctrines of syndicalism have appar- 
ently a peculiar attraction for delinquents. The moron 
and the mattoid nearly always support such doctrines. 
Whenever any large number of I. W. W.'s were arrested 
for disturbing the peace, it was but necessary to look at 
them to realize that many of them were not only de- 
linquents, but were physically and mentally unfit to 
battle with life. What to do with these mental and 
physical weaklings is one of the quandaries that con- 
front all governments. They are, of course, easy prey 
for the mouthy talkers who, unable even to produce 
enough to buy a suit of clothes, talk learnedly of con- 
ducting the affairs of great nations. 



All history points to the fact that our country came 
into being, destined to be the place where the problems 
of working out a perfect freedom and liberty for all 
mankind should be solved through orderly evolution. 
I cannot believe that our country, with a past so full of 
splendid achievement; with its soil drenched with the 
blood of its heroic dead; with its ideals living, breathing, 
and pulsing in the hearts of millions, has at last reached 
the point on its short but momentous journey where 
its ideals and institutions, which have been created 
through travail, suffering, and sacrifice, shall cease to 
exist and be supplanted by an autocratic dictatorship 
of any class whatsoever. And yet, the events of the 
past few years must cause the student of life and history 
to consider well the real conditions of the United States 
of America and the effect of the propaganda of dis- 
content and lawlessness. 

When the thirteen little colonies declared their in- 
dependence and defied Great Britain, we were in dan- 
ger; again in 1812, when war came once more to curse 
the land, we faced disaster; in the 6o's, when our na- 
tion divided and fought itself nigh unto death, we were 
sorely stricken, and when we embarked upon the great 



adventure and declared war against the foes of civiliza- 
tion, liberty, and freedom, we cast our birthright into 
the balance, unafraid. To-day, all that we strove for 
in the past — all the privileges — ^all the freedom — all the 
liberty and all the self-government which our heroes won 
by their sacrifice, stands in manifest and almost im- 
mediate jeopardy. 

Every good man must abhor, every wise man con- 
demn, any government which does not grant equal 
justice to all its citizens. A government founded on 
injustice may well be likened to a sea without water — 
a world without light — a home without love. Justice, 
freedom, and liberty are living things and not resounding 
words. Justice cannot exist where there is class govern- 
ment; justice cannot exist where all men are not equal 
before the law; justice cannot exist under minority rule; 
justice cannot exist where people are not self-governed. 
The attacks made by syndicalism, etc., are simply mass 
attacks against the very fabric of our civilization. 

Let us pause for a moment and consider our Govern- 
ment, our ideals, and our institutions, and contrast them 
with the doctrines and practices which the befooled 
and the knave would substitute. 

The real American believes in putting more into the 
Government than he takes out of it; 

The bolshevist wants to take more out than he puts 

Americanism stands for liberty; 

Bolshevism is premeditated slavery. 

Americanism is a synonym of self-government; 

Bolshevism believes in a dictatorship of tyrants. 


Americanism means equality; 

Bolshevism stands for class division and class rule. 

Americanism is democracy; 

Bolshevism is autocracy. 

Americanism stands for orderly, continuous, never- 
ending progress; 

Bolshevism stands for retrograding to barbaric gov- 

Americanism stands for law; 

Bolshevism disdains law. 

Americanism means love of your fellow man; 

Bolshevism teaches and practises hatred and envy. 

Americanism stands for hope; 

Bolshevism stands for despair. 

One is the philosophy of optimism; 

The other, the practice and belief of pessimism. 

Americanism is founded on family love and family 

Bolshevism is against family life. 

Americanism stands for one wife and one country; 

Bolshevism stands for free love and no country. 

Americanism means increased production and in- 
creased prosperity for all; 

Bolshevism stands for destruction, restriction of out- 
put, and compulsory poverty. 

An American believes in a strong national govern- 
ment; he is patriotic and loyal; 

Bolshevists believe in destruction of nationalism, 
loyalty, and patriotism and the adoption of a senti- 
mental, sickly, unworkable, skim-milk internationalism. 
Loving no country, they excuse themselves by saying 


they love all countries alike. Polygamous men have 
ever used the same excuse. 

Americanism stands for the protection of private 
rights and property; 

Bolshevism stands for the destruction of all private 
rights and the confiscation of all property. 

Americanism believes in strength; 

Bolshevism teaches premeditated weakness and in- 

Americanism stands for preparedness and universal 

Bolshevism would disarm and Chinafy our great 

Americanism has taught and Americans have prac- 
tised morality; 

Bolshevism teaches and its votaries practise immoral- 
ity, indecency, cruelty, rape, murder, theft, arson. 

Americanism stands for God and good; 

Bolshevism is against both God and good. 

Americanism thrives on truth; 

Truth destroys bolshevism. * 

Americanism conquers by reason; 

Bolshevism cannot stand the light of reason. 

Americanism has proven true by experience; 

All experience has proven bolshevism false. 

Americanism is success; 

Bolshevism is failure. 

Under our Government we have prospered, grown, 
become and remained free; 

Under bolshevism, wherever tried, people have 
starved, suffered, become and remained slaves. 


Every man and most women can vote in our country 
and every individual has one vote and one only; 

Under bolshevism, many people cannot vote at all 
while others have but one vote to another man's 8<X). 

Americanism rewards individual effort and toil; 

Bolshevism rewards the loafer and robs the producer. 

Americanism is great enough to be just and just 
enough to be great; 

Bolshevism is always unjust and in its injustice only 
is great. 

Americanism grants full and equal justice to all; 

Bolshevism gives special privileges to some but jus- 
tice to none. 

Our countryside rings with happy song and laughter; 

Russia, the bolshevists' paradise, knows neither hap- 
piness nor song. 

Americanism means education, universal and free; 

Bolshevism tends to static and degrading ignorance. 

American institutions are founded on the solid rock of 
human rights; 

Bolshevism softens its people into a pulp — a pulp 
without wrinkles, but also without a backbone. 

The men who created and led America were believers 
in liberty and freedom and were willing to die for 

The men who lead the bolsheviki are trying to re- 
vitalize the shifting shadows of an outgrown past and 
by coating the disastrous record with an enamel of lies, 
are trying to befool the people of the world. 

Americanism is a substantial, Hving, breathing, func- 
tioning, successful ideal; 


Bolshevism is as full of holes as a sponge, and has no 

In spite of the failure of its practices wherever tried, 
the teachings and practices of Bolshevism have per- 
meated the very fibre of great numbers of people. I 
cannot too often emphasize that bolshevism has always 
failed completely and overwhelmingly whenever tried. 
We have seen how it failed in France, and after a care- 
ful study of conditions in Russia we find that Russia is 
not free, is not prosperous, but is oppressed and poverty- 
stricken, and suffering from autocratic tyranny. 

If bolshevism could succeed anywhere, it would have 
succeeded in Russia where industry and life are primi- 
tive; where the complex problems that confront a 
developed and civilized people are absent. Nearly 
every community in Russia was self-sustaining; 85 per 
cent, of the people where land tillers; there was but 
little industrial enterprise or commerce, and yet, even 
under these primitive conditions, it has failed. How 
much greater, more complete and disastrous the fail- 
ure would be in this country can well be imagined. 
In the United States our development and interde- 
pendence is so complex that the stoppage of the rail- 
roads for a few days would bring untold suffering to 
our people. All the cogs of our enterprise must be in 
place or the machine will stop. We have ceased to be 
primitive. Our civilization may be compared to a fine 
chronometer — Russia's to a lumber wagon. If bolshe- 
vism cannot successfully run a lumber wagon, what 
likelihood that it could run a chronometer.? 

Bolshevism in Russia has survived after a fashion 


for some time. Bolshevism in America could not in 
the nature of things function with any degree of success 
for thirty days. And yet, bolshevism, I. W. W.'ism, 
One Big Unionism, etc., have had a marked detrimental 
effect on our people. 

Bolshevism has made revolutionists of loyal men and 

It has destroyed love of country in the hearts and 
minds of thousands; 

It has made many efficient, contented, and well-paid 
workers inefficient, complaining fault finders; 

It has gained converts and supporters in every state 
of the Union; 

It has caused industrious men to become loafers on 
the job; it has fanned the flames of hatred and envy; 

It has invaded the loyal organizations and assemblages of 
labour and is fast destroying the morale of many of our 

It is destroying the old progressive labour organiza- 
tions. The American Federation of Labour and I, W. 
W.'ism are fighting to the death, while unrest, strikes, 
and sabotage exist as never before. 

Following is the number of strikes that occurred in this 
country during each month of 1919 up to September: 
January, 105; February, no; March, 102; April, 134; 
May, 219; June, 245; July, 364; August, 308. 

The strikes in July and August were twice as many 
as in July and August, 191 8. Officials of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labour estimate that there are at 
this writing 2,000 strike situations, meaning strikes going 
on or imminent. 


The above figures were taken from Stanley Frost's 
article in the New York Tribune of September 15, 1919. 
He agrees with my statement that there has been a 
"progressive and pronounced decline in the actual 
quantity of goods produced." 

One of the causes of these strikes is the spread of the 
Bolshevist beliefs, and the consequent practices 

These teachings have destroyed in the minds of thou- 
sands the desire to work and produce. They have 
made infidels of the God-fearing; they have made 
criminals of the law-abiding. Bolshevik leaders have 
planned the destruction not only of government, law and 
order, but also the destruction of the lives and reputa- 
tions of all who oppose them. Bolshevism preaches 
violence, hatred, and revolution instead of peace, prog- 
ress, and evolution. Lies, crimes, and force are the 
tools used. 

Under one name or another it has impregnated the 
minds of a great number of the workers of our country 
with its doctrines of sabotage; 

It has taught the false doctrine that the less you do 
the more you should have; 

It has restricted production in many instances 50 
per cent. ; 

It has taught men to loaf on the job and defraud 
not only their employer, but civilization and themselves, 
and it is my belief that it will put to the test our pres- 
ent form of government. 

All this, and much more, has taken place in a few 
years in a country where the people themselves govern. 


and where the majority are able, by the exercise of their 
political rights, to do as they wish. 

Perhaps the greatest crime of all that it has com- 
mitted is the teaching of the false doctrine that re- 
stricted production means more wealth, whereas the 
most elementary student must realize that restricted 
production is premeditated poverty for all. 

Our country has the greatest natural resources of any 
country on the globe, and yet we are growing poorer 
daily. Let us forget the dollar and instead of saying 
that so many dollars' worth of this and that has been 
produced, let us measure our wealth in tons, in yards, and 
with such real measures. 

With practically our entire population at work, we 
are producing less per capita than at any time since 
modern machinery came to aid the toiler. In the ship- 
yards of the Northwest, and in the factories, stickers 
are posted everywhere telling the men to do but six 
hours' work in an eight-hour day. As a matter of fact, 
thousands are doing but four hours' work in an eight- 
hour day, and could practically double their production 
in many instances if they desired. I have no doubt that 
this slowing up of production, to a greater or less de- 
gree, is true all over the United States. The employer of 
labour simply adds to the selling price of his product 
the extra cost of production, and it is passed on to the 
ultimate consumer, and finally reaches the worker who 
slacked on the job. 

In our lumber camps barely 60 per cent, as much 
lumber is produced by a given crew as was produced 
several years ago, under very much poorer working 


conditions, and all the time the syndicalist fatuously 
and ignorantly believes that by this slacking and 
loafing he is accomplishing good for himself. Of 
course, as a matter of fact, if a workman cuts his pro- 
duction in half, either the price of his half must be 
doubled or his wages must be cut in two. If it requires 
two men to do the work that one man previously per- 
formed, in the final analysis the two men will only 
receive the sum previously received by the one who did 
the same work. 

If I cultivate i6o acres of land and reap 20 bushels 
of wheat to the acre, 3,200 bushels of wheat are pro- 
duced. If I cultivate but 80 acres of land, which 
produces 20 bushels of wheat to the acre, only 1,600 
bushels of wheat have been produced, and the world is 
1,600 bushels of wheat poorer regardless of the price 
I receive for the wheat. Nobody can subsist on the 
dollar mark, but the extra 1,600 bushels of wheat would 
feed a number of people for a long time. 

There never was a time in the history of the world 
when production was more greatly needed than at pres- 
ent. The boxes and barrels and bins of the warehouses 
are practically empty. The amount of deposits in the 
banks does not measure prosperity. The amount of 
food, clothing, homes, etc., is the true measure. Slug- 
gards, drones, shirks, and slackers become really crim- 
inals in the face of the needs of humanity. The only 
things that will bring prosperity, peace, and general 
well-being, are work and thrift. Without work, with- 
out production, chaos and anarchy must result. All 
the resolutions adopted, and all the laws passed, will not 


raise one bushel of grain. Idleness, at the present time, 
is a national crime. Semi-idleness is almost as bad. 
The world must either go to work, or starve and freeze — 
mere words will not feed or clothe the children. 
Dreams are sometimes pleasant, but no one could ever 
dream strong enough or long enough to produce a 
bushel of potatoes. He who makes two blades of grass 
grow where but one grew before is a benefactor to 
humanity. He who makes one blade of grass grow 
where two grew before is society's enemy. 

Steeped in sophistry, men are striving to find some 
way of having and enjoying without working and pro- 
ducing. Time, the great logician, goes relentlessly on 
its way and proves over and over again that there is 
only one way. History, the great expounder, proves 
that there has never been but one way. Common sense 
tells us all, rich and poor, employer and employee, that 
there is but one way. We must produce more — not less — 
in order to have more. The division of the product may 
be a just subject for dispute, but the necessity for more 
production cannot be disputed. Every nation, every 
man, must realize this fundamental. Wealth is not a 
static thing. Food, clothing, and all wealth are produced 
by work applied to natural resources. It never has been 
and never can be produced otherwise. The more work 
that is applied to natural resources, the more wealth — 
the less work, the less wealth. I care not what the 
dollar value of production shows. It means nothing. 
I do care, however, what the bushel measure demon- 
strates. When we work 50 per cent, we become a 50- 
per-cent. people. Let all production stop and in just a 


short time the saved-up wealth of the centuries fades 
away and disappears. 

Wealth is an ever and constantly changing entity. 
It grows larger or smaller according to production. In 
all ism philosophy, work is looked upon as an evil 
while it is in fact the greatest blessing ever conferred 
on man. A people impregnated by the habit of work 
is irresistible. The greatest joy in life is creative work. 
Loafers are neither healthy, useful, nor happy. All 
cessation of work, whether by lockout or strike, is pre- 
meditated poverty. 

How have the bolsheviki accomplished this destruc- 
tive effect.'' 

By the constant, everlasting advertisement of their 
false ideas through agitation. 

By the spoken and written word. 

By fanatical willingness to spend time and money 
promulgating their doctrines. 

What have we done.'' What are we doing.? What 
shall we do? 

Shall we sit idly by and see things get worse? 

Shall we "pass the buck"? 

Shall we loll and dream and then have a terrific 
awakening? — or shall we play the man's part and adopt 
measures of cure? 

I must again speak of the value of advertising truth. 

I must again call your attention to the fact that a 
propaganda of Hes will stand unless it is answered by 
truths plainly and bluntly told. 

They have their propaganda and are using it; it is 
everywhere, in the farmhouse and in the mill; in the 


forest and in the factory; in the mouths of their voluble 
leaders, on the front pages of their papers and 

Our propaganda, our truths, are hidden away in our 
hearts and minds. We must tell the truth to remain 
free. We must issue pamphlets. We must use the 
city press, country press, and the magazines. We must 
send speakers over the land. We must make the fight, 
and despite your complacent belief, dear reader, it is 
a real and not a sham fight. It is a fight for freedom 
an! peace and home and law and order and all that we 
hola dear. 

W,X you help ? Will you do your share ? Will you 
assist in every way possible.'' Will you forget the 
^^profits" for a while and help save your country? If so, 
all will be well and we will win. If we shirk, if we slack, 
if we trim, if we compromise, vje will lose, every last 
mother's son and daughter of us in this great land of 
ours, and the greatest losers will be the very men who are 
being misled hy the Red liars. 

Again I say, deport the anarchist, the bolshevist, 
the alien agitator. Americanize the alien; spend time 
and money and effort. We can do it — let's "go to it!" 
Deflate the currency, gradually and carefully. It 
will decrease the cost of living. Red employers must 
be disciplined. They must be made to do right. Red 
employees also must be punished. Both kinds of Reds 
must do right or starve. Pay all governmental and 
semi-governmental employees a living wage. If pres- 
ent officials won't do it, change them. It's our 
money, not theirs. Advertise the truth about govern- 


mfnt everywhere and all the time. Let us educate 
ourselves as well as everybody in this land. Refuse 
to admit any more immigrants except as we select them 
and need them, and admit no man for a permanent stay 
who is not able, or does not wish, to become a citizen. 

Let us run the United States for the people of the 
United States! 

It were well, at this time, to consider our assets and 
liabilities. At the year's close a wise business man 
takes an inventory. Let us do so. 

We are all shareholders in that great enterprise, the 
United States of America. Let us hold a shareholders' 
meeting wherein we will discuss freely and frankly our 
balance sheet. 

What are the assets of our country ? 

We have nearly two billion acres of land, of which 
only one acre in seven is under cultivation, and of which 
there are still two hundred and twenty-five million 
acres in the hands of the Government, as well as many 
more fertile millions undeveloped and non-producing 
in the hands of private individuals. 

We have 265,000 miles of railroads, of which 260,000 
miles are reasonably good roads. In other words, 
private capital has built, for profit, this vast extent of 
public highways. The railroads of the United States 
would go around the world ten times, and then there 
would be enough remaining to more than traverse our 
entire boundary line. 

We have four thousand two hundred and thirty-one 
billions of tons of unmined coal in the United States 
and Alaska. Canada comes second with one thousand 


three hundred and sixty-one billion tons, and China 
third, but the unmined coal in all the countries of the 
world outside our own amounts to but three thousand 
six hundred and fifty-two billion tons. We have over 
five hundred billion more tons of unmined coal than 
all the rest of the world. 

In 1 8 10, we produced fifty thousand tons of pig iron; 
in 1850, half a million tons; in 1900, twenty-four mil- 
lion tons, and in 191 5, thirty million tons. The total 
production of pig iron for the world in 1910 was sixty- 
five and a half million tons, while in 191 5, the total 
production was three million tons less, or sixty-two 
million. Under normal conditions, we produce more 
than 45 per cent, of this great basic mineral. 

In i8cx), we had one hundred and twenty-three thou- 
sand manufacturing establishments; in 1850, two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand; in 1900, the progress of 
consolidation had reduced this number to two hundred 
and seven thousand, and to-day, we have but two hun- 
dred and seventy-five thousand such establishments, 
or about the same number that we had forty years ago. 

I speak of the land, as in the final analysis, food 
is our prime necessity and properly developed our 
lands can and will support many times our present 
population. Our farming has, to a large extent, been 
simply soil-mining, until the impoverished soil has re- 
sulted in a small crop, or no crop; nothing having been 
put back onto the land to feed it, despite all that was 
taken from it. 

I speak of our railroads, because the distribution of 
commodities becomes more and more complex, necessary, 


and important. I speak of our unmined coal as a great 
resource, because this stored-up sunshine of the ages 
means that we should take the lead in all manufacturing 
industries in time to come. Coal means heat, life, ac- 

Our undeveloped waterpower cannot be too highly 
appreciated. The time will surely come when the 
water that runs from the mountains to the seas will, 
in constantly increasing ratio, turn the busy wheels of 
industry and give out light, heat, and warmth to our 

Our pools of petroleum hidden away through all the 
'centuries, hundreds of feet below the surface of the earth, 
become more and more needed as the development of the 
gas engine takes the place of older methods of producing 

And our iron. Think of the vast stores of iron still 
concealed amidst the rocks and clay of our sub-soils! 
We have reached the age of iron and without it no na- 
tion can become either very prosperous or powerful. 

But we have one huge asset not heretofore men- 
tioned, and that is, one hundred and ten milHons of 
free, progressive, productive people — people who have 
in the past, and will I trust continue in the future, to 
produce more per capita than any other people on the 
face of the earth. 

We suffered much during the late war, and yet but 
little in comparison with the warring countries of 
Europe. An Italian statistician has carefully compiled 
the losses resulting from the great conflict and he states 
that it will take, under normal conditions, ten years for 


England to regain her lost man power; fifteen years for 
Germany; thirty-three years for Italy, and sixty-six 
years for beautiful France. 

We have the most efficient and best labour power on 
earth. The leaders of thought, of industry, of action 
and progress of every kind in Europe, the graduates of 
the great universities, lie dead on Flanders fields — 
but the loss of our thinkers, our planners, and our cap- 
tains, while they did their share, and their full share, 
during our part in the war, was very small in compari- 
son with that of the other countries. Our workers are 
alive. Millions of the workers of the other countries, 
whether allies or enemies, are dead. Our leaders, too, 
are alive, while their leaders are dead. We have the 
men and the brains, as well as the largest aggregation 
of capital of any country in the world to-day. The fu- 
ture belongs to us. 

We have but one possible liability confronting us, 
and that is industrial and civil strife. We need fear 
no foreign competition. Not only were millions of the 
men of Europe wiped out by war or disease, but millions 
more have adopted and put into practice syndicalism 
and sabotage, with consequent restriction of production, 
making it impossible for these great nations to compete 
on equal terms with us with all our natural resources 
and, I trust, the incentive to produce. 

The coal miners of Great Britain refuse to mine coal 
and we ship millions of tons to Italy, Switzerland, and 
other countries. The peasants of Russia are not rais- 
ing sufficient food for themselves; hence our markets 
for food products are world-wide. We can sell bicycles 


in London across the street from the factory located 
there, and undersell the local factory. We can, if we 
will, control the foreign trade of the world. 

At the commencement of the war we had few or no 
ships of our own to carry our produce. To-day we have 
many ships, and are building more and more. 

We have a government truly representative of the 
people themselves — a government under which all 
have an equal opportunity. If we, the people of this 
great country, founded on the principles of freedom and 
liberty, will unite, will go to work, will cooperate, will 
preach and practise the doctrine of thrift and work, 
we may embark upon the greatest era of prosperity 
any country has ever known in all history. 

If we will but cooperate and settle our disputes by 
agreement, instead of by force and violence, all may 
receive the greatest blessings. This is my country, it 
is your country. Its government is our Government, 
and we must fight to the last against the domination 
of our Government and our country by any one class. 

Whenever the majority of our people desire to change 
or amend any part of our structure, they can do it. 
Our Government is a government by majorities. No 
minority must ever be allowed to control its affairs. 
No class, whether bankers or plumbers, must have a 
greater voice in its affairs than the Constitution and 
laws grant them. We must cooperate and conquer 
ignorance, poverty, and injustice. We must build on 
the foundations laid down by our ancestral fathers. 
Our great experiment in government must not be al- 
lowed to fail. Our flag must not be stained red. Our 


children must be taught the truth, at home and in the 
schools. Our grown men and women must be made to 
reahze the beauty, the utiUty, the superiority of our 
Government. In the near future — perhaps sooner than 
many of us believe — our solidarity, our loyalty, and our 
unity will be tested. When that time comes, God 
grant that you and I, and all of us, may have fulfilled 
our duty to our country and to one another. 

We must know the truth — and carry it to every man, 
woman, and child in our land. With the truth in the 
hearts and souls of all of us we need have no fear, for 
truth is mighty and will prevail. The man of truth will 
dissipate the mists of falsehood and the right, the fair, 
the square, and the loyal wmII be successful. To believe 
otherwise would be to doubt God and good and to ques- 
tion the ultimate happiness and peace of humanity. 

Again I say: This is our country and our Government. 
Let us cherish its institutions and ideals — let us stand 
by its laws; let us work for it, live for it, and — if neces- 
sary — die for it. 

Sail on, O Ship of State! 

Sail on, O Union, strong and great! 
Humanity with all its fears, 
With all the hopes of future years, 

Is hanging breathless on thy fate! 






Hanson, Ole, 1874- 

Araericanisni versus 

Doulleday, Page 
and Co. ( 1920)